Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS) —Ang mga Ayta ay may paniwala na ang bundok Pinatuo ay sagrado. Dito sila kumukuha ng pagkain sa iba’t ibang [amamataan. Ang pangangaso ay isa sa mga paraan. Mayroon silang Batas sa Kalikasan na dapat sundin sa pangangaso . Isa nito ang paggalang sa kalikasan bilang Ina, kaya ito ay hindi dapat sirain, bagkus pagamanin. Ang bawat isa ay kukuha lamang ng sapat na produkto sa gubat ayon sa kanyang pangangailangan. Ang isa pang batas ay hindi saktan ang manok dikot na may pulang pakpak, na pinaniniwalaan nilang kumakatawan sa Diwata. Nanininwala din sila na ang Diwata sa kagubatan ay siyang espiritu ng kalikasan.
Thursday, October 27, 2011
Ayta of Zambales
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS) —The Aetas are considered to be one of the first native settlers in the Philippines. According to one theory, the Aetas are descendants of the first settlers in the country some 300,000 years ago. Artifacts show that Aetas once lived in the lowlands but gradually retreated to the hills and mountains when subsequent immigrants and conquerors pushed them into the forest.
PINATUBO: PAGSABOG, PAGLALAKBAY, PAGBANGON - Ang Kwento
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS.PH) —Kaming mga Ayta ay kabilang sa anim na malalaking grupo ng mga katutubo sa Pilipinas. Kami ay may Kabuuang bilang na 130,000 na kalat-kalat sa Luzon.
Kapatiran Mode of Support
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS.PH) —In 2006 Kapatiran entered a partnership with PREDA in order to support the education of some of the children. A proposal for educational assistance was drawn up, submitted to Cordaid and implementation thereof was approved.
Good News from Our Aeta Partners
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS.PH) —The Aeta leader-graduates and educators who have formed PBAZ – Paaralang Bayan ng Ayta sa Zambales, are the main strategic partners of ELF.
The Seven Rituals of Mother Earth
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS) — The Seven Rituals of Mother Earth (Ang Pitong Ritwal ng Inang Lupa) is an indigenous theatre production that brings together the diverse cultures and experiences of Filipino tribal communities from Kalinga of the northern Cordilleras to Tawi-Tawi of the Muslim Sulu archipelago.
The Mount Pinatubo Disaster and the People of Central Luzon
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS) —By Cynthia Banzon Bautista
1Depatment of Sociology and Center for Integrative and Development Studies, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines.
1Depatment of Sociology and Center for Integrative and Development Studies, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines.
Indigenous People’s Theatre Festival Honors Mother Earth
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS) —Five hours travel by express bus from Manila to the town of Botolan followed by a 20–minute tricycle ride along an unsealed road will bring you to the village of Bihawo. In April this year, the LAKAS Ayta village was chosen as the Indigenous Peoples’ Theatre Festival site to represent the spirit of the gathering —to come close to Mother Earth and pay homage to her elemental spirits.
The occasion was the PagSandiwa (Oneness in Spirit) Festival celebrating the relationship of indigenous people and Mother Earth. The 5–day celebration from 26–30 April 2000 brought together hundreds of tribal elders, shamans, healers, storytellers and performance artists from various parts of the Philippines.
Delegates from the Ayta, Badjao, Bagobo, Dibabawon, Dumagat, Ibaloy, I-wak, Kalanguya, Kalinga, Kankanaey, Subanen, Sama, Talaandig, Tausug and T’boli gathered to present their traditional dances, music and stories. The performance art also served as vehicles for the sharing of experiences in utilising culture and traditions for the protection of the environment.
The tribal participants travelled from their ancestral lands which, though wonders of creation, are environmentally endangered. They related how their lifeways and cultures are shaped and nourished by the wealth of their environment and how its protection is vital for the survival of their communities. In their belief systems, trees, rivers, mountains and natural elements are regarded as sacred dwelling places of ancestral spirits which must be regarded with utmost respect.
There were also workshops on folklore, traditional arts and crafts, curriculum, programming and teachers’ training skills. In the evenings after dinner, we had story–telling about the histories of the tribes, their issues, struggles, heroes and victories of previous generations.
The Tribal Elders presented their reflections during the forum on Indigenous Education and Survival of the Tribe. The feature of that day was the ritual blessings from the different tribes present at the Festival for the first full–term Indigenous school in the Philippines specialising in the preservation and development of Indigenous knowledge and lifeways that uphold the ecological integrity of Mother Earth.
Building the School of Indigenous Knowledge and Traditions of the Ayta Tribe (SÍKÄT–Ayta) started last year. It is a large tribal house made of bamboo and cogon grass that will be their community’s lifeline so long as it remains true to their ancestors’ convictions and beliefs. It is the Ayta community’s feast offering to Earth Day 2000.
PagSandiwa Indigenous People’s Festival, organized by the Asian Council for People’s Culture and Theatre for the Environment Network (ACPC/Tent), was made possible with the generous assistance of the Royal Netherlands Embassy, Bilance, MISSIO, Broedelijk Delen and LandBank. ACPC/Tent is a national organization of cultural workers and community educators.
ACPC/Tent National Performing Team
ACPC/Tent’s National Performing Team presented Pitong Ritwal ng Inang Lupa (Seven Rituals of Mother Earth) featuring youth of the Kalinga, Ayta, Talaandig, T’boli, Dibabawon and Tausug peoples. The play revolves around seven rituals portraying the cycles of life and their interaction with the environment: birth, baptism, fertility, healing, war, death, and re–birth. It is performed in a bamboo set that depicts the three segments of the universe from the Manobo world view: the uppermost is "lemlunay" (heaven), the middle is "sal–ladan" (where humans exist), and the lowest portion is "bolibolan" which is the underworld and dwelling place of evil spirits. The bamboo installation also serves as a giant music instrument.
CINE/Davao Children’s Theatre Collective
Founded by CINE (Children’s Innovative Education), The Davao Children’s Theatre Collective has produced Limang Mukha ng Kaunlaran (Five Faces of Development), a commentary through young eyes and tender hearts about the impact upon children of globalization. Five young artists were fielded to gather material for the theatre production from the fisherfolk of Maputi, Banaybanay, the gold miners of Mainit, Nabunturan, the peasants of Cambilawa, Inambatan, Monkayo, the banana plantation workers of Abiud, Pag–Asa, and the Dibabawon tribal people of Buhi, Laak. The resulting production depicts the realities of war–torn Mindanao and young people’s efforts to restore peace and regain justice and harmony.
Helobung School for Living Traditions
"Helobung" is a T’boli concept of entertainment featuring their rich and unique culture, music, chants, songs, traditional instruments, dances and mimesis. Based in South Cotabato, the T’boli promote harmony between nature and people and pay deep respect to the spirits that dwell in the natural environment. They believe that "lemlunay" (heaven) is a paradise where there is no sorrow and where "d’watas" (goddesses) play music during festivities that never end. In 1984, members of the tribe began to revitalize their skills in music, dance and crafts under the guidance of community elders. A troupe was formally organized and today it plays a crucial role in ensuring that T’boli tribal heritage will continue to flourish for many more generations. In recent years they have performed in France, Hong Kong, Japan and Australia.
Tanghalang Ayta ng LAKAS
Tanghalang Ayta ng LAKAS, or Tala, started as a cultural group during the 1980s when the Aytas still lived on the slopes of Mt. Pinatubo. Today, it functions as a recorder and narrator of history. Tala’s maiden play tells about the struggle for self–identity, dignity and empowerment of the Aytas. In a simple, straightforward manner that combines the talents of elders and youth, they reconstruct significant landmarks in their tribe’s long years of journey since the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo in 1991. For the Aytas, cultural heritage is the soul of their existence.
Kalinga People’s Theatre
The Kalinga People’s Theatre is a newly-founded cultural organization of youth and elders from the Tinglayan, Lubuagan, Botbot and Bangad tribes of Kalinga. Its mission is to promote peace among the Kalinga communities by restoring the sacredness of the "bodong" (peace pact) which was once an inviolable tradition among many tribes of the Cordilleras. The Kalinga systems of communal livelihood, collective leadership and warrior tradition have placed them at the forefront of Indigenous peoples’ struggles. With epic stories, courtship dances, chants, rituals and musical celebrations, their cultural workers take their dreams of harmony across the boundaries of tribal conflict.
Talaandig School for Living Traditions
Founded in 1996, the school is located at the foot of Mt. Kitanglad National Park in Sitio Tulugan, Sonco, Lantapan, Bukidnon. In building the school the first step was the construction of the Tulugan, a big house that has a large hall with a central fireplace, where the community can gather for activities such as chanting, storytelling, weaving, handicrafts, dancing, and conducting tribal rituals. It is thus a natural learning center of indigenous knowledge of the Talaandig tribe. The function of the Tulugan as a repository of wisdom was disrupted for hundreds of years with the era of Spanish colonization. The Talaandig School for Living Traditions aims to re–establish the Tulugan as a venue for the transfer of knowledge to the next generation and a counter balance to the prevailing influences of Western culture, so that elders and youth may gather to affirm their ties as a community, uphold their identity and thereby ensure the survival of the Talaandig tribe.
Tambuli Cultural Troupe of Tawi–Tawi
The Tambuli Cultural Troupe was established in 1974 to revive and sustain interest in the Sama, Tausug, Badjaw and Jama Mapun folk music, dance and rituals. The mini archipelago of Tawi–Tawi is a paradise of marine biodiversity. Turtle Island is the home and nesting ground of the endangered pawikans (giant sea turtles) and the surrounding waters are the breeding places of rare marine species. The graceful flight and fishing skills of the local linggisan bird has inspired dances which mimic its intricate movements. The people believe that if harm befalls the linggisan, one invites misfortune and nature’s anger. The Tambuli Troupe presents an allegorical play about the linggisan whose habitat is deteriorating with the coming of so–called development and modernization.
During June and July last year three Ayta youth delegates from LAKAS visited Australia on a speaking tour and cultural exchange. The July/Sept 1999 issue of Kasama featured their visit. This year Epang Domulot, Tubag Jugatan and Orosco Cabalic have been busy helping with the SÍKÄT School and the PagSandiwa Festival. The text above is reprinted from the festival booklet which arrived with this letter:
"How are all of you? We are glad to share with you our important activity here. This is the first time we will celebrate an IP [Indigenous Peoples] Festival called PagSandiwa – that means "one spirit". We also are proud to have the first IP school in our community. We hope we will be successful. We will have many things to share with you after the festival. Now, we are very busy. Tubag and Epang are festival deputy coordinators and Orosco is coordinating our theatre group and is one of the main actors. We hope we can send you a video tape of the whole festival. Regards to all, especially Kuya Bobby.
Sincerely,
Epang, Tubag, and Orosco."
source: http://cpcabrisbane.org/Kasama/2000/V14n2/PagSandiwa.htm
The occasion was the PagSandiwa (Oneness in Spirit) Festival celebrating the relationship of indigenous people and Mother Earth. The 5–day celebration from 26–30 April 2000 brought together hundreds of tribal elders, shamans, healers, storytellers and performance artists from various parts of the Philippines.
Delegates from the Ayta, Badjao, Bagobo, Dibabawon, Dumagat, Ibaloy, I-wak, Kalanguya, Kalinga, Kankanaey, Subanen, Sama, Talaandig, Tausug and T’boli gathered to present their traditional dances, music and stories. The performance art also served as vehicles for the sharing of experiences in utilising culture and traditions for the protection of the environment.
The tribal participants travelled from their ancestral lands which, though wonders of creation, are environmentally endangered. They related how their lifeways and cultures are shaped and nourished by the wealth of their environment and how its protection is vital for the survival of their communities. In their belief systems, trees, rivers, mountains and natural elements are regarded as sacred dwelling places of ancestral spirits which must be regarded with utmost respect.
There were also workshops on folklore, traditional arts and crafts, curriculum, programming and teachers’ training skills. In the evenings after dinner, we had story–telling about the histories of the tribes, their issues, struggles, heroes and victories of previous generations.
The Tribal Elders presented their reflections during the forum on Indigenous Education and Survival of the Tribe. The feature of that day was the ritual blessings from the different tribes present at the Festival for the first full–term Indigenous school in the Philippines specialising in the preservation and development of Indigenous knowledge and lifeways that uphold the ecological integrity of Mother Earth.
Building the School of Indigenous Knowledge and Traditions of the Ayta Tribe (SÍKÄT–Ayta) started last year. It is a large tribal house made of bamboo and cogon grass that will be their community’s lifeline so long as it remains true to their ancestors’ convictions and beliefs. It is the Ayta community’s feast offering to Earth Day 2000.
PagSandiwa Indigenous People’s Festival, organized by the Asian Council for People’s Culture and Theatre for the Environment Network (ACPC/Tent), was made possible with the generous assistance of the Royal Netherlands Embassy, Bilance, MISSIO, Broedelijk Delen and LandBank. ACPC/Tent is a national organization of cultural workers and community educators.
ACPC/Tent National Performing Team
ACPC/Tent’s National Performing Team presented Pitong Ritwal ng Inang Lupa (Seven Rituals of Mother Earth) featuring youth of the Kalinga, Ayta, Talaandig, T’boli, Dibabawon and Tausug peoples. The play revolves around seven rituals portraying the cycles of life and their interaction with the environment: birth, baptism, fertility, healing, war, death, and re–birth. It is performed in a bamboo set that depicts the three segments of the universe from the Manobo world view: the uppermost is "lemlunay" (heaven), the middle is "sal–ladan" (where humans exist), and the lowest portion is "bolibolan" which is the underworld and dwelling place of evil spirits. The bamboo installation also serves as a giant music instrument.
CINE/Davao Children’s Theatre Collective
Founded by CINE (Children’s Innovative Education), The Davao Children’s Theatre Collective has produced Limang Mukha ng Kaunlaran (Five Faces of Development), a commentary through young eyes and tender hearts about the impact upon children of globalization. Five young artists were fielded to gather material for the theatre production from the fisherfolk of Maputi, Banaybanay, the gold miners of Mainit, Nabunturan, the peasants of Cambilawa, Inambatan, Monkayo, the banana plantation workers of Abiud, Pag–Asa, and the Dibabawon tribal people of Buhi, Laak. The resulting production depicts the realities of war–torn Mindanao and young people’s efforts to restore peace and regain justice and harmony.
Helobung School for Living Traditions
"Helobung" is a T’boli concept of entertainment featuring their rich and unique culture, music, chants, songs, traditional instruments, dances and mimesis. Based in South Cotabato, the T’boli promote harmony between nature and people and pay deep respect to the spirits that dwell in the natural environment. They believe that "lemlunay" (heaven) is a paradise where there is no sorrow and where "d’watas" (goddesses) play music during festivities that never end. In 1984, members of the tribe began to revitalize their skills in music, dance and crafts under the guidance of community elders. A troupe was formally organized and today it plays a crucial role in ensuring that T’boli tribal heritage will continue to flourish for many more generations. In recent years they have performed in France, Hong Kong, Japan and Australia.
Tanghalang Ayta ng LAKAS
Tanghalang Ayta ng LAKAS, or Tala, started as a cultural group during the 1980s when the Aytas still lived on the slopes of Mt. Pinatubo. Today, it functions as a recorder and narrator of history. Tala’s maiden play tells about the struggle for self–identity, dignity and empowerment of the Aytas. In a simple, straightforward manner that combines the talents of elders and youth, they reconstruct significant landmarks in their tribe’s long years of journey since the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo in 1991. For the Aytas, cultural heritage is the soul of their existence.
Kalinga People’s Theatre
The Kalinga People’s Theatre is a newly-founded cultural organization of youth and elders from the Tinglayan, Lubuagan, Botbot and Bangad tribes of Kalinga. Its mission is to promote peace among the Kalinga communities by restoring the sacredness of the "bodong" (peace pact) which was once an inviolable tradition among many tribes of the Cordilleras. The Kalinga systems of communal livelihood, collective leadership and warrior tradition have placed them at the forefront of Indigenous peoples’ struggles. With epic stories, courtship dances, chants, rituals and musical celebrations, their cultural workers take their dreams of harmony across the boundaries of tribal conflict.
Talaandig School for Living Traditions
Founded in 1996, the school is located at the foot of Mt. Kitanglad National Park in Sitio Tulugan, Sonco, Lantapan, Bukidnon. In building the school the first step was the construction of the Tulugan, a big house that has a large hall with a central fireplace, where the community can gather for activities such as chanting, storytelling, weaving, handicrafts, dancing, and conducting tribal rituals. It is thus a natural learning center of indigenous knowledge of the Talaandig tribe. The function of the Tulugan as a repository of wisdom was disrupted for hundreds of years with the era of Spanish colonization. The Talaandig School for Living Traditions aims to re–establish the Tulugan as a venue for the transfer of knowledge to the next generation and a counter balance to the prevailing influences of Western culture, so that elders and youth may gather to affirm their ties as a community, uphold their identity and thereby ensure the survival of the Talaandig tribe.
Tambuli Cultural Troupe of Tawi–Tawi
The Tambuli Cultural Troupe was established in 1974 to revive and sustain interest in the Sama, Tausug, Badjaw and Jama Mapun folk music, dance and rituals. The mini archipelago of Tawi–Tawi is a paradise of marine biodiversity. Turtle Island is the home and nesting ground of the endangered pawikans (giant sea turtles) and the surrounding waters are the breeding places of rare marine species. The graceful flight and fishing skills of the local linggisan bird has inspired dances which mimic its intricate movements. The people believe that if harm befalls the linggisan, one invites misfortune and nature’s anger. The Tambuli Troupe presents an allegorical play about the linggisan whose habitat is deteriorating with the coming of so–called development and modernization.
During June and July last year three Ayta youth delegates from LAKAS visited Australia on a speaking tour and cultural exchange. The July/Sept 1999 issue of Kasama featured their visit. This year Epang Domulot, Tubag Jugatan and Orosco Cabalic have been busy helping with the SÍKÄT School and the PagSandiwa Festival. The text above is reprinted from the festival booklet which arrived with this letter:
"How are all of you? We are glad to share with you our important activity here. This is the first time we will celebrate an IP [Indigenous Peoples] Festival called PagSandiwa – that means "one spirit". We also are proud to have the first IP school in our community. We hope we will be successful. We will have many things to share with you after the festival. Now, we are very busy. Tubag and Epang are festival deputy coordinators and Orosco is coordinating our theatre group and is one of the main actors. We hope we can send you a video tape of the whole festival. Regards to all, especially Kuya Bobby.
Sincerely,
Epang, Tubag, and Orosco."
source: http://cpcabrisbane.org/Kasama/2000/V14n2/PagSandiwa.htm
A folk school for Aetas
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS.PH) — Nimfa Doroteo-Camua, Asian Institute of Journalism and Communication PBAZ: A folk school for Aetas
For a long time, our parents and ancestors have been dreaming of having a school for us,” Lita Jugatan and Noel Domulot recall.
In the wide open spaces of Zambales where more than 80,000 Aetas live and work the land, most children stay away from formal school because of discrimination against indigenous people.
“It breaks our heart when people tease or make fun of us,” they add. Suffering from oppressive treatment in the hands of lowlanders, the Aetas have resolved to fight for their rights in their own way. Thus, an indigenous education program was established in partnership with Education for Life Foundation (ELF) and Lubos ng Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS).
Started almost five years ago, the Paaralang Bayan ng Ayta sa Zambales (PBAZ) was organized by Aetas who graduated from the Life History Workshop and General Leadership Course facilitated by ELF.
“Some of the first graduates dreamt of putting up an Aeta Survival Folk School,” ELF Director Edicio dela Torre recounts. In 2003, these graduates gathered to take a decisive step and organized the PBAZ.
“Looking back, it is like a continuing conversation that has deepened the partnership of ELF and the Aetas,” dela Torre remarks as he notes that conversation, after all, is the basic mode of learning.
For a long time, education was an unresolved issue for the Aetas. While they recognized its value, a majority refused to give it an opportunity to work for their development. And the reason is understandable.
“When we were still living on Mount Pinatubo, we did not want our children to be educated in schools. Educated people are bad. Educated people exploit others,” Aetas often said.
Theirs may be harsh words. But years of exploitation and injustice in the hands of supposedly educated people have formed their mindset on the ill, instead of good, effects of education.
Citing two particular cases, Aetas clearly remember how the first Aeta government scholar studied, became a doctor of medicine but immediately left his people for a more promising job abroad. The second Aeta scholar graduated from college but collaborated with a lowland lawyer who tried to cheat the Aetas out of their land.
Tribal leaders and parents fear that their children might lose their Aeta identity under the influence of media and lowland schools. The Aetas have seen the lack of effort to teach Aeta history and culture as well as the human rights of indigenous people.
With this in mind, PBAZ and ELF have strengthened their partnership that would take their efforts to the next level of awareness. At present, an alternative learning system is being developed.
Aetas who have undertaken extensive leadership courses and who have become tutors are writing distance learning modules on Aeta history, culture and indigenous people’s rights. They hope that these modules will be part of the curriculum of PBAZ, which includes life skills learning module, conflict management, gender sensitivity, theater arts, newswriting, etc.
A crucial part of the teaching methodology is field trip and sharing with other folk schools. There are Instructional Managers for youth and adults who want to continue their studies and graduate from high school.
Obviously, the kind of education under PBAZ goes beyond literacy education. It seeks to hone the total person’s capabilities as a productive member of the Aeta community.
“Our goal is simple—to be able to lift our quality of life and to have a peaceful and progressive community,” Jugatan and Domolot say.
“I want to become a teacher so that I can help my community,” Instructional Manager for youth Desiree Carbonel says.
For the Aetas, realizing their dream of having their own school is gradually taking shape. And it speaks of their integrity as an indigenous people.
Credits: This article was copied and pasted into this site on 6th August 2009. Permision to display this information to this website NOT requested. No contact details found. To find out more please go to it's original source: http://www.ilocostimes.com/may28-jun10-07/feature_aijc.htm
For a long time, our parents and ancestors have been dreaming of having a school for us,” Lita Jugatan and Noel Domulot recall.
In the wide open spaces of Zambales where more than 80,000 Aetas live and work the land, most children stay away from formal school because of discrimination against indigenous people.
“It breaks our heart when people tease or make fun of us,” they add. Suffering from oppressive treatment in the hands of lowlanders, the Aetas have resolved to fight for their rights in their own way. Thus, an indigenous education program was established in partnership with Education for Life Foundation (ELF) and Lubos ng Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS).
Started almost five years ago, the Paaralang Bayan ng Ayta sa Zambales (PBAZ) was organized by Aetas who graduated from the Life History Workshop and General Leadership Course facilitated by ELF.
“Some of the first graduates dreamt of putting up an Aeta Survival Folk School,” ELF Director Edicio dela Torre recounts. In 2003, these graduates gathered to take a decisive step and organized the PBAZ.
“Looking back, it is like a continuing conversation that has deepened the partnership of ELF and the Aetas,” dela Torre remarks as he notes that conversation, after all, is the basic mode of learning.
For a long time, education was an unresolved issue for the Aetas. While they recognized its value, a majority refused to give it an opportunity to work for their development. And the reason is understandable.
“When we were still living on Mount Pinatubo, we did not want our children to be educated in schools. Educated people are bad. Educated people exploit others,” Aetas often said.
Theirs may be harsh words. But years of exploitation and injustice in the hands of supposedly educated people have formed their mindset on the ill, instead of good, effects of education.
Citing two particular cases, Aetas clearly remember how the first Aeta government scholar studied, became a doctor of medicine but immediately left his people for a more promising job abroad. The second Aeta scholar graduated from college but collaborated with a lowland lawyer who tried to cheat the Aetas out of their land.
Tribal leaders and parents fear that their children might lose their Aeta identity under the influence of media and lowland schools. The Aetas have seen the lack of effort to teach Aeta history and culture as well as the human rights of indigenous people.
With this in mind, PBAZ and ELF have strengthened their partnership that would take their efforts to the next level of awareness. At present, an alternative learning system is being developed.
Aetas who have undertaken extensive leadership courses and who have become tutors are writing distance learning modules on Aeta history, culture and indigenous people’s rights. They hope that these modules will be part of the curriculum of PBAZ, which includes life skills learning module, conflict management, gender sensitivity, theater arts, newswriting, etc.
A crucial part of the teaching methodology is field trip and sharing with other folk schools. There are Instructional Managers for youth and adults who want to continue their studies and graduate from high school.
Obviously, the kind of education under PBAZ goes beyond literacy education. It seeks to hone the total person’s capabilities as a productive member of the Aeta community.
“Our goal is simple—to be able to lift our quality of life and to have a peaceful and progressive community,” Jugatan and Domolot say.
“I want to become a teacher so that I can help my community,” Instructional Manager for youth Desiree Carbonel says.
For the Aetas, realizing their dream of having their own school is gradually taking shape. And it speaks of their integrity as an indigenous people.
Credits: This article was copied and pasted into this site on 6th August 2009. Permision to display this information to this website NOT requested. No contact details found. To find out more please go to it's original source: http://www.ilocostimes.com/may28-jun10-07/feature_aijc.htm
Good News from Our Aeta Partners
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS.PH) —The Aeta leader-graduates and educators who have formed PBAZ – Paaralang Bayan ng Ayta sa Zambales, are the main strategic partners of ELF.
ELF met with some Aeta leaders a few years after the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo in 1991 displaced the Aeta communities from their homeland and dispersed them to different resettlement areas. Since then, they have struggled to sustain their livelihood, and their culture and identity. Integral to this struggle is their effort to have their rights recognized to their ancestral domain.
It has been a long struggle, and will continue for a long time for most of the Aetas. But there is some good news, with the granting of the first CADT (Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title) to four Aeta barangays, including many of our leader-graduates and PBAZ leaders.
Here is the news item as reported by the Philippine Daily Inquirer:
It’s official: Pinatubo is now owned by Aetas
By Tonette Orejas
Philippine Daily Inquirer
CITY OF SAN FERNANDO, Philippines—Mt. Pinatubo, including the three-kilometer wide crater lake left by its 1991 eruptions, is now officially lutan tua (ancestral land) of Aetas in Botolan, Zambales.
Carlito Domulot, chair of the Lubos ng Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta sa Sambales (Lakas), shared this piece of information with the Inquirer on Thursday as he received confirmation from the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) that at least 15,998 hectares have been registered at the Registry of Deeds in Zambales as a Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title (CADT).
NCIP Commissioner Rolando Rivera confirmed Domulot’s information, saying CADT RO3-BOT-0708-073 indeed includes the volcano.
“Their CADT really covers Mt. Pinatubo,” Rivera said in a telephone interview.
He said a CADT registered with the Registry of Deeds “perfected the tribe’s ownership and stewardship of their ancestral domain.”
Registered on Oct. 3 and issued on Nov. 9, the CADT is entered as Original Certificate of Title No. CAD-0-1.
The application originally covers 20,567.89 hectares. The size was reduced to 15,998.4748 hectares after government agencies recognized and segregated private titles within ancestral domains.
The final CADT spans the villages of Burgos, Villar, Moraza and Belbel in Botolan and portions of the towns of Cabangan, San Felipe and San Marcelino, the title showed.
Domulot said the volcano straddles Villar and Belbel.
The Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (Phivolcs) refers to Mt. Pinatubo and its environs as located in the tri-boundary of Zambales, Tarlac and Pampanga. The volcano’s crater lake and lahar canyons have drawn local and foreign tourists.
“Before the CADT came, we, Aetas of Pampanga, Tarlac and Zambales, have an understanding that Pinatubo is on the Botolan (Zambales) side and the lands there belong to us, Botolan Aetas,” Domulot said.
Helping Aetas protect their domain from Korean and other foreign and local business ventures, the Botolan council issued in August 2008 a resolution recognizing the ownership and management of Botolan Aetas over Mt. Pinatubo.
Although vigilant against Korean firms on the Tarlac side, the Aetas have not built gates or watchtowers to ward off illegal settlers.
The Aetas returned to the volcano about five years after the eruptions to cultivate lands there.
Although the lands were made fertile by volcanic materials, Domulot said the lack of farming and fishing tools make it difficult for the tribe to grow more cash crops.
“Our elders have been fighting for our lands since the time of [the late former President Ferdinand] Marcos,” he said.
Rivera said the NCIP had registered at least four CADTs covering 25,615 hectares in Pampanga, Tarlac, Zambales and Aurora.
Pending registration are CADTs for Dumagats in Karahume, San Jose del Monte City in Bulacan (1,817 hectares) and for Kalanguyas in Carranglan, Nueva Ecija (25,373 hectares).
NCIP records showed there are still 11 pending applications for CADTs over 247,261.19 hectares in Central Luzon.
Source: http://educforlife.org/good-news-from-our-aeta-partners/
ELF met with some Aeta leaders a few years after the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo in 1991 displaced the Aeta communities from their homeland and dispersed them to different resettlement areas. Since then, they have struggled to sustain their livelihood, and their culture and identity. Integral to this struggle is their effort to have their rights recognized to their ancestral domain.
It has been a long struggle, and will continue for a long time for most of the Aetas. But there is some good news, with the granting of the first CADT (Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title) to four Aeta barangays, including many of our leader-graduates and PBAZ leaders.
Here is the news item as reported by the Philippine Daily Inquirer:
It’s official: Pinatubo is now owned by Aetas
By Tonette Orejas
Philippine Daily Inquirer
CITY OF SAN FERNANDO, Philippines—Mt. Pinatubo, including the three-kilometer wide crater lake left by its 1991 eruptions, is now officially lutan tua (ancestral land) of Aetas in Botolan, Zambales.
Carlito Domulot, chair of the Lubos ng Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta sa Sambales (Lakas), shared this piece of information with the Inquirer on Thursday as he received confirmation from the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) that at least 15,998 hectares have been registered at the Registry of Deeds in Zambales as a Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title (CADT).
NCIP Commissioner Rolando Rivera confirmed Domulot’s information, saying CADT RO3-BOT-0708-073 indeed includes the volcano.
“Their CADT really covers Mt. Pinatubo,” Rivera said in a telephone interview.
He said a CADT registered with the Registry of Deeds “perfected the tribe’s ownership and stewardship of their ancestral domain.”
Registered on Oct. 3 and issued on Nov. 9, the CADT is entered as Original Certificate of Title No. CAD-0-1.
The application originally covers 20,567.89 hectares. The size was reduced to 15,998.4748 hectares after government agencies recognized and segregated private titles within ancestral domains.
The final CADT spans the villages of Burgos, Villar, Moraza and Belbel in Botolan and portions of the towns of Cabangan, San Felipe and San Marcelino, the title showed.
Domulot said the volcano straddles Villar and Belbel.
The Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (Phivolcs) refers to Mt. Pinatubo and its environs as located in the tri-boundary of Zambales, Tarlac and Pampanga. The volcano’s crater lake and lahar canyons have drawn local and foreign tourists.
“Before the CADT came, we, Aetas of Pampanga, Tarlac and Zambales, have an understanding that Pinatubo is on the Botolan (Zambales) side and the lands there belong to us, Botolan Aetas,” Domulot said.
Helping Aetas protect their domain from Korean and other foreign and local business ventures, the Botolan council issued in August 2008 a resolution recognizing the ownership and management of Botolan Aetas over Mt. Pinatubo.
Although vigilant against Korean firms on the Tarlac side, the Aetas have not built gates or watchtowers to ward off illegal settlers.
The Aetas returned to the volcano about five years after the eruptions to cultivate lands there.
Although the lands were made fertile by volcanic materials, Domulot said the lack of farming and fishing tools make it difficult for the tribe to grow more cash crops.
“Our elders have been fighting for our lands since the time of [the late former President Ferdinand] Marcos,” he said.
Rivera said the NCIP had registered at least four CADTs covering 25,615 hectares in Pampanga, Tarlac, Zambales and Aurora.
Pending registration are CADTs for Dumagats in Karahume, San Jose del Monte City in Bulacan (1,817 hectares) and for Kalanguyas in Carranglan, Nueva Ecija (25,373 hectares).
NCIP records showed there are still 11 pending applications for CADTs over 247,261.19 hectares in Central Luzon.
Source: http://educforlife.org/good-news-from-our-aeta-partners/
The Seven Rituals of Mother Earth
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS.PH) — The Seven Rituals of Mother Earth (Ang Pitong Ritwal ng Inang Lupa) is an indigenous theatre production that brings together the diverse cultures and experiences of Filipino tribal communities from Kalinga of the northern Cordilleras to Tawi-Tawi of the Muslim Sulu archipelago.
The play revolves around seven rituals depicting the community’s life cycles and interaction with the environment: birth, baptism, fertility, healing, war, death and re-birth. It is performed in a bamboo set depicting the three segments of the universe from the Manobo world view: the uppermost is "lemlunay" (heaven), the middle is "sal-ladan" (where humans exist), and the lowest portion is "bolibolan" which is the underworld and dwelling place of evil spirits. The bamboo installation also functions as a giant music instrument.
In the play, a mythical "Minokawa" a Dreamseller representing development aggression, lures a community to a ‘progressive’ lifestyle with promises of improvement in their quality of living. The issue of ‘development’ and its impact on tribal communities is raised by the presentation along with the questions: Who defines development? What is at stake? And who benefits from so-called progress
Read More...
The play revolves around seven rituals depicting the community’s life cycles and interaction with the environment: birth, baptism, fertility, healing, war, death and re-birth. It is performed in a bamboo set depicting the three segments of the universe from the Manobo world view: the uppermost is "lemlunay" (heaven), the middle is "sal-ladan" (where humans exist), and the lowest portion is "bolibolan" which is the underworld and dwelling place of evil spirits. The bamboo installation also functions as a giant music instrument.
"Seven Rituals" depicts the relationship of indigenous people’s culture with the environment, and how the preservation of their traditions, spirituality and communal lifeways is linked with the conservation and protection of nature elements. Folklore serves as dramatic metaphor of indigenous belief systems which regards trees, rivers and mountains as sacred dwelling places of ancestral spirits.
In the play, a mythical "Minokawa" a Dreamseller representing development aggression, lures a community to a ‘progressive’ lifestyle with promises of improvement in their quality of living. The issue of ‘development’ and its impact on tribal communities is raised by the presentation along with the questions: Who defines development? What is at stake? And who benefits from so-called progress
Read More...
The Mount Pinatubo Disaster and the People of Central Luzon
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS.PH) —By Cynthia Banzon Bautista
1Depatment of Sociology and Center for Integrative and Development Studies, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines.
ABSTRACT
The eruption of Mount Pinatubo and subsequent widespread and persistent lahars and flooding have taken a serious toll on the people of central Luzon. The most serious toll has been the displacement of more than 10,000 families (more than 50,000 persons) whose houses were destroyed and whose farmland or other source of livelihood was buried. Initially, the indigenous Ayta people were hardest hit, and many remain displaced from their livelihood and their cultural roots. Since the eruption, many lowlanders have also become evacuees, driven from their homes and land by lahars and floods.
Evacuations and damage from the volcano have undermined preeruption social standing and community leadership. Psychological stress is high. Decisions about how to mitigate lahar hazard have provoked suspicions between neighboring communities. Decisions about how to organize resettlement areas have engendered lively debate and, among some, concern that well-intended humanitarian relief is becoming a substitute for self-sufficiency. Viable resettlement options are badly needed, in which provisions for livelihood and social stability are given even more attention than matters of housing and visible public infrastructure.
Note to readers: Figures open in separate windows. To return to the text, close the figure's window or bring the text window to the front.
Apart from written documents, the paper relies heavily on interviews with key informants in government and nongovernment institutions and discussions with victims in evacuation centers and resettlement sites. Some of the points in this overview first arose in a field-based multidisciplinary study of one municipality, Concepcion, Tarlac, which is located in the direct path of lahars (fig. 1) (C.B. Bautista, 1993). Our team of social scientists lived in the area for 3 months, from October to December 1991. The team's findings were later validated or qualified by key informants in other areas of central Luzon. In February 1992, a workshop involving researchers and key resource persons in the municipality was organized. A month later, some of the research findings were disseminated in a town assembly held on March 27, 1992.
Figure 1. Locations of barangays, towns, cities, and provinces cited in this report. All of the barangays and smaller sitios that are shown in parentheses, except Poonbato, were destroyed by the eruption. Poonbato was destroyed by subsequent lahars.
Some of the team members went to Concepcion at regular intervals thereafter--twice a month from April to July 1992, about once a week from August to September, and biweekly in October and November to follow up developments there. While data were updated in Concepcion, another small research project was organized from October to December 1992 to gather information on the disaster in central Luzon. Devastated villages, resettlement sites, and evacuation centers were visited. Interviews with respondents in government agencies and discussions with victims and their care-givers were conducted within this time period.
Table 1. The distribution of families and persons affected by ash fall (Pardo de Tavera, 1992)
Of all persons affected, the hardest hit were the Aytas, an indigenous tribe (Shimizu, 1989). Around 7,800 Ayta families, or 35,000 persons, were forced to flee their homes (Task Force Pinatubo, 1992). The Ayta's economic and cultural life before the eruption was rooted in Mount Pinatubo. They lived by the volcano's rhythm, timing the planting and harvesting of their crops by the volume of steam rising continuously from a natural vent on the upper slope. A relatively dense steam meant a good harvest; a thin one augured a sparse yield (Lubos na Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (Negrito People's Alliance of Zambales, LAKAS), 1991, p. 32). They hunted in the volcano's wooded slopes and fished in the rivers that drained it. The volcano was not only the source of the Ayta's livelihood but also the abode of Apo Namalyari, their God, and home to the spirits of their ancestors. For these reasons, the Ayta's evacuation from the volcano was especially disruptive and heart-rending. A vivid chronicle of their life and exodus is given in Eruption and Exodus (LAKAS, 1991).
From that book's account, earth tremors and heavy steam from the volcano summit at 1600 on April 2, l991, caused panic-stricken Aytas from villages along the Zambales mountain slopes to flee their homes and converge in a village 12 km from the volcano's base. Those who ignored the first ominous signs on April 2 fled in waves within the next 2 weeks. By the third week of April, the number of evacuees in Poonbato, Botolan, Zambales, reached about 4,000.
Even Poonbato was not the last stop of the Aytas documented in the book. They changed sites with each extension of the danger zone from a 10- to 20-km radius of the volcano, from 20 to 30 km, and finally from 30 to 40 km. Some groups moved 9 times in 1991 before they found semipermanent relocation sites.
Fortunately for the Poonbato Aytas, whose experience was documented, the group was kept intact throughout the exodus. As organized constituents of the Lubos na Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS), they were also in a better position to maintain their cultural and tribal bonds and to critically assess the options opened to them. The acronym of the federation, LAKAS, means power.
This was not the case, however, among the Aytas living on other parts of the volcano. Mount Pinatubo's eruption scattered them to various evacuation centers and disrupted their political and administrative structure. New leaders and factions began to emerge as the tribes separated (Tadem and Bautista, 1993).
Anticipating the need for Aytas to vacate the slopes of Mount Pinatubo, the government set evacuation procedures in place before the major eruptions in June 1991. Conditions in the evacuation sites, however, were extremely difficult for Aytas. The tents provided only minimal shelter from the elements. Evacuees suffered from extremely hot days and cold and damp nights in these tents. There was no basic sanitation. As a consequence, respiratory and gastro-intestinal ailments were common. In early August, the Department of Social Welfare and Development reported that 156 Ayta children had died in evacuation centers in Tarlac and Zambales from various diseases such as measles, bronchopneumonia, and diarrhea.
Cultural differences accounted for the spread of some of these diseases. The measles outbreak is a case in point. A study conducted by the Department of Health reveals that its immunization campaign did not reach all vulnerable children in the camps. The cultural gap between the Aytas and health workers prevented the latter from reaching Ayta children (Magpantay and others, 1992; Surmieda and others, 1992). Some health workers believed that the Aytas eschewed Western medicine in favor of their own. However, the Sisters of the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary, who pioneered the literacy campaign among Aytas in Poonbato, claim that Aytas generally know when to ask for Western medical help. What was missing, at least initially, was rapport between health workers and Ayta evacuees that was based on an understanding of the Ayta culture. Malnutrition also contributed to high mortality among Ayta children (Surmieda and others, 1992).
Aside from getting more sick than their lowland counterparts in evacuation centers, Aytas were also disoriented by the surroundings far from their upland homes. They were unaccustomed to the sight of flatlands and plains, and they longed to roam the mountains and hills again in communion with nature and their God (LAKAS, 1991).
Thus, the Aytas were the prime victims of the volcanic eruption itself, before secondary effects like lahars and floods were taken into account. They were evacuated earlier than any other group, and throughout the ordeal of moving from one evacuation site to another, they were totally uprooted from their way of life. Even their resettlement sites, with high population density and town plaza complexes, were alien to their preeruption existence.
By October 1992, most parts of 29 barangays (villages) had been buried by lahars to depths of several meters (table 2). Eleven of these were in only one municipality--Botolan, Zambales. Six were in Tarlac and 12 in the densely populated province of Pampanga. Half of Pampanga's abandoned barangays were in the municipality of Bacolor. The 29 severely affected barangays were home to almost 10,000 families, or about 53,000 people (1990 National Statistical Office population estimates for these 29 barangays, as stored in the National Economic Development Authority Region III Geographic Information System data base). Even this high number is surely an underestimate, because it counts only those in barangays within which most sitios (hamlets) were buried. Families from devastated sitios of relatively less affected barangays are not counted.
Most of these families once lived in the densely populated barangays of Pampanga, the province that bore the brunt of lahars in the first 2 years. Porac, one of the most severely affected of central Luzon's once bustling towns, symbolizes Pampanga's travails. Many of its residents have left.
Floods caused by silted waterways have added to the misery of central Luzon's lowland victims. Compared to 1991, 1992 was the year of floods. Siltation of river channels (much by lahars) caused subsequent floods that submerged barangays in at least 18 municipalities (table 3). As of October 1, water from the September monsoon rains had not yet subsided in low-lying parts of these municipalities, and additional barangays (especially in Zambales) were also isolated by floods at this time. In the province of Bataan, adjoining the Pinatubo area, the municipalities of Dinalupihan, Hermosa, and Orani experienced persistent floods in 1992. Newspaper accounts on the week of August 20, 1992, cite the evacuation of residents of Hermosa from floodwaters of up to 5 to 7 feet (Philippine Daily Inquirer, August 20, 1992).
Table 2. Lahar-devastated barangays that were virtually abandoned in October 1992, listed by municipality and province.
[List of barangays is based on interviews with key informants in the municipalities, corroborated by newspaper accounts and field observations. The number of affected families and persons are taken from the 1990 National Statistics Office figures as stored in the data base of the National Economic Development Authority, Region III GIS Project]
Although the number of casualties decreased, significantly more people were affected by lahars and floods in 1992 than in 1991. A total of 33,400 families, or 159,939 persons, suffered the effects of lahars or floods in the first year (Department of Social Welfare and Development, 1992). In contrast, five times more families (164,191) and persons (802,742) were victimized by the end of August in the second year (Department of Social Welfare and Development, unpub. Disaster Monitoring data, September 28, 1992). The marked increase in the number of people affected was due primarily to massive lahar-induced floods in 1992. Viewing the data by type of hazard reveals that 144,259 families experienced floods in 1992, while 19,932 families were affected by lahars (table 4).
Table 3. Municipalities that were flooded, or isolated by flooding, as of late August 1992 (shown by asterisk) or October 1, 1992.
[All these municipalities were (and will continue to be) affected by clogging of river channels by lahars]
Table 4. Distribution of affected families, listed by province and type of disaster.
[The 1991 figures were taken from DSWD (1992a). The 1992 data were taken from DSWD (1992b). Data are current up through the lahars and floods which occurred around August 15, 1992]
At least 3,140 houses were completely destroyed and 3,072 were seriously damaged in 1992. Of the former category, 54 percent were demolished by lahar and the rest by floods. These data are principally for Pampanga; additional houses were destroyed in Tarlac and Zambales.
A discussion of the effects of lahars and floods on people is not complete without mentioning damage to infrastructure and agricultural lands--damage that has profoundly affected livelihood and quality of life. Lahars inundated 15 km of roads, damaged 13 major bridges throughout the 1991-92 period, and threaten to affect another 10 bridges in the coming years (Department of Public Works and Highways, 1992b; Environment Management Bureau, 1992). Mudflows also breached 58 km of river dikes, half of which were along the Pasig-Potrero River.
Lahars and floods affected as much as 42 percent of the total cropland of Pampanga, Tarlac, and Zambales. By province, Tarlac had the highest percentage of its cropland damaged (52 percent of 841 km2), followed by Pampanga (41 percent of 618 km2) and Zambales (13 percent of 236 km2) (Department of Agriculture Region III, unpub. data, 1992).
In 1991, almost 9 out of 10 lahar-affected agricultural areas were planted to rice (Task Force Pinatubo, 1992). In 1992, that ratio remained practically the same; only a slight shift occurred toward sugarcane (Department of Agriculture Region III, unpub. data, September 28, 1992 Summary of Damage Report).
This observation also holds for agricultural lands inundated by floods. They were overwhelmingly rice based. Because floods induced by lahar deposition in river channels usually left a layer of mud in their wake, farmers in affected rice-producing areas had to rehabilitate their lands.
Beyond their direct effects on agricultural lands, lahars and floods affected 5 national and 176 communal irrigation systems that serviced 483 km2 of farmlands and 25,476 farmers (Task Force Pinatubo, 1992). The latter figure includes many whose lands were spared from either lahars or floods.
In terms of the people associated with the land, a total of 11,540 farmers in Pampanga, Tarlac, and Zambales were affected by lahars in 1991. During this year, 85 percent of them were almost equally distributed between Pampanga and Tarlac. In 1992, however, the number of lahar-affected farmers declined by half, a finding consistent with the drop in the area of croplands newly affected by lahars.
Farmers in those areas covered with 7 to 15 cm of lahar were better off than their counterparts in places with more than 15 cm but less than 30 cm of mud. The land of farmers with 15 cm or less of lahar just needed to be plowed, while the land of those with thicker lahar had to be scraped. Still other land was either buried beyond rehabilitation by lahar or sunk in emergent lakes, and those who farmed such land must look for alternate land or leave farming.
Most of the affected farmers, especially in Pampanga and Tarlac, were land reform beneficiaries. Some are leaseholders, others amortizing owners, and still others are new owners who have fulfilled the state's requirement of land transfer. The loss of land owned through land reform, albeit temporary in a geologic sense, was a special blow to beneficiaries who have painstakingly paid in full and obtained legal ownership of their parcel of rice- or corn-producing lands. Among amortizing owners, those who have paid a significant amount of the cost of the land stood to feel the loss more than those who have defaulted on their payments.
On the whole, however, class distinctions have not been eradicated, because many of those with financial resources managed to find new homes elsewhere. Residents who could not afford to go anywhere else were able to dig up housing materials, appliances, and furniture, thus preserving at least some of their position in the village's social hierarchy.
Although the basic social hierarchy has been maintained in those communities whose residents have remained intact in relocation sites, some new organizations of community life have emerged in relocation sites populated by residents hailing from different barangays. In addition, the social distance among groups in places that have not yet been severely affected by the disaster has been bridged by a significant increase in communal activities that have cut across classes. Religious rituals such as prayer sessions and processions around villages and along the river channels have been the most visible activities in different parts of central Luzon. The rituals have been conducted all year round, although they are practiced most frequently during the rainy season.
Apart from religious rituals, participation in activities to protect barangays from lahars (such as sandbagging) or to protest government decisions designating particular areas as catch basins have been documented. The explorations of the Disaster Coordinating Council to use the Candaba swamp as a catch basin for lahar was met by strong opposition from residents living in several municipalities in Pampanga.
In the summer of 1992, the Department of Public Works and Highways planned to make a sediment-trapping "sabo" dam in Maskup along the Sacobia River to contain lahars that were expected to flow into some parts of Mabalacat, Pampanga. Residents of this municipality resisted the plan, fearing that it would divert lahars to other parts of the town. Some of those interviewed claim that a few residents threatened the contractors who were beginning to survey the area. As a consequence, the plan was shelved.
The national government was not the only target of protests from angry residents who perceived efforts to protect some localities to threaten their own. Municipalities were pitted against each other as attempts to protect one political territory were deemed to be at the expense of a neighbor. The sandbagging operation along the boundary of San Fernando and Bacolor, Pampanga, is a case in point. The latter's folks rejected the fortification efforts of the former because it will trap lahars in Bacolor (Daily Globe, September 16, 1992, verified by the author from key informants).
San Fernando's local officials were also caught in a dispute with those from Santa Rita, Pampanga. San Fernando officials were alleged to have asked the local court to stop residents of Santa Rita from putting up a sandbag dike, lest the dike divert lahars and floods into San Fernando, Pampanga's capital (Philippine Star, September 25, 1992; Philippine Daily Inquirer, September 25, 1992). The provincial governor's mediation apparently led to the withdrawal of the suit on the same day.
The politics of lahar defenses also resulted in tension between neighboring communities. Sometimes, rumors were an outlet for the growing suspicion among neighboring barangays. Key informants in one municipality, for instance, cited ill will aroused by the differential impact of lahars on two sides of the river within that municipality. Those on the side that was spared were suspected of having breached the dike on the affected side. While such an operation would have been impossible to achieve without the affected area knowing about it, the impression held sway.
The fact that dike construction raised ill will reflects the extent to which lahar defense has become a highly politicized issue. A political culture in which the powerful are able to get away with practically anything, especially in rural areas, accounts for much of the cynicism and suspicion with which efforts to defend human settlements are viewed.
A study of victims and service providers in Tarlac (Jimenez, 1993) vividly described the evacuation process, which traumatized adults and children:
More than a year after their lives were uprooted, service providers in a relatively well-established resettlement site for farmers in Zambales cited sudden bouts of crying, irritability, and constant headaches among the resettlers, which could only be traced to the trauma of Mount Pinatubo. Symptoms of stress were not confined to those who left their homes. For those living along the potential corridors of lahars and floods, the monsoon season heralded sleepless nights, with families anxiously awaiting the warning to flee their homes. So intense was the stress that when the warning signals--church bells or successive gunshots--were raised, key informants reported incidents of residents who suffered from heart attacks.
Many of the psychological problems confronted by those who took flight from the perils of lahars and those who continue to live in natural catch basins could be attenuated by mass resettlement to areas that are not vulnerable to the disaster. Unfortunately, snags in the resettlement process and attachment to their original lands and homes have discouraged many would-be settlers from moving to resettlement areas. To the dismay of scientists who warn against remaining in danger zones, many of the potential victims have chosen to remain in high-risk areas because they have no viable alternatives.
The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Recovery Action Plan team projected in a briefing for the Mount Pinatubo Commission that about 1,900 km2 of land in the three provinces may be buried beneath 2 m of lahar debris. The study, which basically supports the PHIVOLCS projections, prompted the commission to estimate that about 74,000 residents in the high risk areas could no longer be defended against lahar and might have to be evacuated by force (Mount Pinatubo Commission, 1993). These people, who were not victims during the 1991 and 1992 rainy seasons will add to the 53,000 dislocated victims.
Because of the scale of human displacement, the state poured massive financial resources into the development of various resettlement projects. Total expenditures during 1991 and 1992 were at least P2.5 billion (US $93 million) for evacuation and resettlement sites (Mercado and others, this volume). In addition, various civic groups, private relief agencies, and development-oriented nongovernmental organizations in some of the state's resettlement sites also infused private resources into these efforts. The Loob Bunga Resettlement Site in Zambales, for instance, stands out in terms of its private resources. At least 11 organizations extended food assistance, provided health and nutrition services, and promoted livelihood projects, as well as literacy and spring-water development projects.
Because the Pinatubo disaster dislocated tens of thousands of victims, the technocrats hope to address victims' needs while maximizing the rare opportunity to use planning principles. Their idea is to put up settlements bigger than the usual barangays in order to economize on basic services like schools, public markets, and hospitals. The concept for the physical layout of the envisioned towns drew from the sprouting subdivisions in Metro Manila and its suburbs, the plaza complex found in most towns, and ideas about the practicality of grid road networks versus the current linear pattern in rural areas.
In addition, because government will be building new towns anyway, the Mount Pinatubo Task Force's logic dictates that they might as well fit into the Regional Spatial Development Strategy of central Luzon. This strategy conceives Region III to be the transit lane between the resource-rich provinces of northern Luzon and the densely populated industrialized areas of Metro Manila. As such, central Luzon will "serve as a catchment area for population and industry spill-over from the metropolis, while maintaining its comparative advantage in agriculture in some places." The plans also project the region in the role of "providing the requirements of the Northern Luzon provinces in terms of processing and manufacturing of goods and their eventual shipment to areas of destination" (Mount Pinatubo Task Force, 1991).
The overall technocratic vision explains why new resettlement areas have gridded street systems, modern public buildings clustered around a plaza, productivity centers (large buildings intended for use as factories), and uniform houses made of either hollow concrete blocks or nipa (a palm).
However, these complexes have attracted much negative attention. Some critics are silent on the basic approach but object to aspects of the content or implementation of the program; other critics question the basic philosophy and the implementation of the plans. The first group of critics accepts the technocratic planning process but assails the state for its insensitivity to the plight of central Luzon's dislocated residents. Site development has been deemed too slow in the face of victims who have languished in evacuation centers for more than a year. In the case of O'Donnell, Capas, Tarlac, the most developed of the sites, millions of pesos had to be advanced by a cooperative headed by a private citizen to hasten the pace of its development.
Apart from the speed, the phasing of the project has also been questioned. Cemented roads and public buildings were put up before houses. To make matters worse, livelihood development efforts were relegated to the background, so some who moved into the resettlement areas decided to leave and others hesitated to move in. On the whole, these criticisms do not question the plaza complex or even the construction of public buildings as long as these are done after housing and livelihood needs are met.
The second group of critics questions not only the content of the plans but also the spirit and process of planning imbedded in them. Drawing from the principles of participatory development, these critics stress the importance of planning with and not for the affected people. In this approach, victims should participate actively in all stages of planning.
The participation of would-be resettlers is crucial for practical and psychological reasons. Victims will make sure that projects will meet their needs, and they will feel a pride of ownership. The resulting houses and emergent communities may not conform aesthetically to the technocratic vision, but they will be houses and a community in (and for) which the displaced families will work hard and succeed. Psychologically, the process of participation is as important as the visible outcomes of collective decisionmaking, because it enhances the self confidence of individual victims and the community's collective confidence in being able to rebuild its life in the new site.
The criticisms emanating from proponents of participatory development have two implications for resettlement. There can be no uniform design or blueprint for resettlement sites. This means some of the basic parameters in terms of sites can be set at the national or regional level, but the conceptualization of plans will have to be decentralized to the level of the communities involved. The second implication is that community organizational efforts must be an integral part of the resettlement process. It is easy enough to give lip service to community organizing, but it is hard to find capable people who have internalized the spirit of participatory development. Case studies of resettlement sites by the nongovernmental organization (NGO) Philippine Business for Social Progress, for instance, reveal that some NGO's that are committed in principle to participatory development encounter problems of finding enough good organizers.
Coordination with and among government agencies is necessary to speed up the process of resettlement. This is easier said than done. Even under a centralized scheme, conferences on relief and rehabilitation have been haunted by a recurring complaint--that government agencies continue to function within their own turfs. As such, the disaster-related programs have been far from integrated (Bonifacio, 1992). NGO's also have problems of duplicated effort and lack of communication. Key informants claim that very little is done to coordinate services rendered. Furthermore, when collaborative decisions are reached, there are no mechanisms for carrying them out.
In their book based on the lessons learned from disasters in different parts of the world, Anderson and Woodrow (1989) cautioned against too much stress on NGO coordination. Although they argue for coordination of services, they raise basic questions. Who is in charge of coordination? Whose purpose does it serve? Is it intended to ease the work of NGO's and make logistical requirements run smoothly or is it to ensure the highest possible involvement of the victims in decisionmaking and planning?
In debates over models for development, all agree that the creation of economic and social structures, while necessary, is not a sufficient gauge of development. Over the long run, external agents cannot ensure a people's well being; only the people themselves can do that, by increasing their capacities and reducing their vulnerabilities.
Given the demands of ministering to the daily requirements of rehabilitation or resettlement, even the more development-oriented NGO's and committed government agents may fail to see how their humanitarian work can stifle the capacity of the victims to rise from the ashes. As their short-term emergency assignment becomes institutionalized in the field, they may be insensitive to the incipient dependence developed in the victims who are unwittingly made to rely on external agents for their needs.
Many of those involved with redevelopment around Pinatubo realize the dependence they have inadvertently created in the course of their work. NGO's operating in the Loob Bunga Resettlement site are themselves alarmed by the perpetuation of a culture of dependence and mendicancy among resettlers (Mondragon, 1992). While they all agree that food for work programs will have to end, they are prevented from focusing on rehabilitation by a lack of opportunities to sustain livelihood projects in the site.
The original concept of the new resettlement towns assumed industrial development in the central Luzon region. The planners hoped that multinational and domestic investors would see the prospect of employing resettlers in the newly built productivity centers. However, the uncertainty over the landscape of central Luzon in the next few years and the sluggish nature of overall Philippine economy has, to date, prevented investors from risking their fortunes in these centers. Naturally, concerns about livelihood have slowed acceptance of resettlement. Respondents to a survey by the Philippine Business for Social Progress (PBSP, 1993) revealed that most respondents gave livelihood a higher priority than housing. The relative absence of income sources in the resettlement sites accounts for the refusal of would-be settlers to move to the new sites. It also explains why some of those who moved in earlier have already left the sites.
The fact that some displaced victims have returned to their old homes has led the NGO's in Zambales to seriously consider internal repatriation. Supporters of repatriation point out that some of the victims who decided to stay put in their barangays at the height of the evacuations seem to have rebuilt their lives faster than anyone in the resettlement sites. It may be possible for some to return to their old homes during the dry season and to go to the resettlement sites when the rains begin. It may also be possible for some victims to evacuate to sites near their original barangays rather than to the resettlement areas.
Current victims of the Pinatubo disaster have not yet seen the end, and many others are still potential victims. The next several years will continue to bring untold misery to central Luzon. Those who are presently dislocated, and those who will be dislocated in the next several years, need resettlement options that provide livelihood and that facilitate psychosocial adjustments to the trauma of being uprooted. The task is urgent, because people in high-risk areas will agree to move away only if there are viable alternatives.
Bautista, Cynthia Banzon, ed., 1993, In the shadow of the lingering Mt. Pinatubo disaster: Quezon City, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University of the Philippines Faculty Book Series No. 2, 291 p.
Bonifacio, Manuel, 1992, Disaster in agriculture: A framework for an innovative approach to agricultural resources management for Region III: Paper presented to the Farming Systems and Soils Research Institute, College of Agriculture, University of the Philippines at Los Banos.
Department of Public Works and Highways, 1992a, Mt. Pinatubo Infrastructure, Rehabilitation, and Reconstruction Program': Paper presented at the International Scientific Conference on Mt. Pinatubo, May 27-31, 1992, Department of Foreign Affairs, Building, Manila, 35 p.
------1992b, Mt. Pinatubo Infrastructure, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Program: Manila, unpublished report of September 15, 1992, 29 p.
Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), 1992, DSWD and relief operations: Paper presented by the DSWD Secretary at the International Scientific Conference on Mt. Pinatubo, May 27-31, 1992, Department of Foreign Affairs, Manila, 12 p.
------1992b, Consolidated report on flashflood/lahar: Manila, Department of Social Welfare and Development, Region III, September 28, 1992.
Environment Management Bureau, Department of Environment and Natural Resources, 1992, A report of the Philippine environment and development: Issues and strategies: U.N. Conference on Environment and Development, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 260 p.
Jimenez, Maria Carmen, 1993, Stress and coping in difficult times: a study of evacuees and service providers in Concepcion, in Bautista, C.B., ed., In the shadow of the lingering Mt. Pinatubo disaster: Quezon City, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy Publications, Faculty Book Series No. 2, p. 131-162.
Lubos na Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS), 1991, Eruption and exodus: Quezon City, Claretian Publications, 122 p.
Magboo, F.P., Abellanosa, I.P., Tayag, E.A., Pascual, M.L., Magpantay, R.L., Viola, G.A., Surmieda, R.S., Roces, M.C.R., Lopez, J.M., Carino, D., Carino, W., White, M.E., and Dayrit, M.M., 1992, Destructive effects of Mt. Pinatubo's ashfall on houses and buildings [abs.]: Abstracts, International Scientific Conference on Mt. Pinatubo, May 27-31, 1992, Department of Foreign Affairs, Manila, p. 22.
Magpantay, R.L., Abellanosa, I.P., White, M.E., and Dayrit, M.M., 1992, Measles among Aetas in evacuation centers after volcanic eruption [abs.]: Abstracts, International Scientific Conference on Mt. Pinatubo, May 27-31, 1992, Department of Foreign Affairs, Manila, p. 33.
Mercado, R.A., Lacsamana, J.B.T., and Pineda, G.L., this volume. Socioeconomic impacts of the Mount Pinatubo eruption
Mondragon, Gabriel, 1992, Resettlement and rehabilitation of Mt. Pinatubo victims: Problems and prospects for sustainable agricultural development. The Loob Bunga experience: Paper presented at the Symposium for Sustainable Agricultural Development of Mt. Pinatubo Affected Areas, National Institute of Biotechnology and Applied Meteorology, University of the Philippines at Los Banos.
Mount Pinatubo Commission, 1993, Pinatubo News Highlights: Manila, v. 1, no. 3, April, 6 p.
Mount Pinatubo Task Force, 1991, Rehabilitation and reconstruction program for Mt. Pinatubo affected areas: Manila, Government of the Philippines, October 1991, 62 p.
------1992, Rehabilitation of Mt. Pinatubo affected areas, special transition report: Manila, Government of the Philippines, May 1992, 43 p.
Pardo de Tavera, M., 1992, Department of Social Welfare and Development and Relief Operations: Paper presented by the DSWD Secretary at the International Scientific Conference on Mount Pinatubo, Department of Foreign Affairs, May 27-31, 1992.
Philippine Business for Social Progress, 1993, In search of alternatives for the Mt. Pinatubo victims, preliminary report: Manila, May 1993, 100 p.
Shimizu, Hiromu, 1989, Pinatubo Aytas: Continuity and Change: Manila, Ateneo de Manila Press, p. 6-14.
Spence, R.J.S., Pomonis, A., Baxter, P.J., Coburn, A.W., White, M., and Dayrit, M., this volume, Building damage caused by the Mount Pinatubo eruption of June 14-15, 1991.
Surmieda, M.R.S., Abellanosa, I.P., Magboo, F.P., Magpantay, R.L., Pascual, M.L., Tayag, E.A., Viola, Q.A., Diza, F.C., Lopez, J.M., Miranda, M.E.G., Roces, M.C., Sadang, R.A., Zacarias, N.S., Dayrit, M.M., and White, M.E., 1992, Mt. Pinatubo eruption: Disease surveillance in evacuation camps [abs.]: Abstracts, International Scientific Conference on Mt. Pinatubo, May 27-31, 1992, Department of Foreign Affairs, Manila, p. 34.
Tadem, E., and Bautista, C.B., 1993, Brimstone and ash: The Mt. Pinatubo eruption, in Bautista, C.B., ed., In the shadow of the lingering Mt. Pinatubo disaster: Quezon City, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University of the Philippines Faculty Book Series No. 2, p. 3-16.
FIRE and MUD Contents
PHIVOLCS | University of Washington Press | U.S.Geological Survey
This page is <http://pubs.usgs.gov/pinatubo/cbautist/>
Contact: Chris Newhall
Last updated 06.10.99
source: http://pubs.usgs.gov/pinatubo/cbautist/
1Depatment of Sociology and Center for Integrative and Development Studies, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines.
ABSTRACT
The eruption of Mount Pinatubo and subsequent widespread and persistent lahars and flooding have taken a serious toll on the people of central Luzon. The most serious toll has been the displacement of more than 10,000 families (more than 50,000 persons) whose houses were destroyed and whose farmland or other source of livelihood was buried. Initially, the indigenous Ayta people were hardest hit, and many remain displaced from their livelihood and their cultural roots. Since the eruption, many lowlanders have also become evacuees, driven from their homes and land by lahars and floods.
Evacuations and damage from the volcano have undermined preeruption social standing and community leadership. Psychological stress is high. Decisions about how to mitigate lahar hazard have provoked suspicions between neighboring communities. Decisions about how to organize resettlement areas have engendered lively debate and, among some, concern that well-intended humanitarian relief is becoming a substitute for self-sufficiency. Viable resettlement options are badly needed, in which provisions for livelihood and social stability are given even more attention than matters of housing and visible public infrastructure.
Note to readers: Figures open in separate windows. To return to the text, close the figure's window or bring the text window to the front.
INTRODUCTION
Since its major eruptions of June 12-15, 1991, Mount Pinatubo has changed the landscape of central Luzon, uprooted thousands of residents from their homes and means of livelihood, and affected the agenda not only of the local, regional, and national governments but also of nongovernment organizations. This paper aims to provide an overview of the social and psychological impact of the volcanic eruption and some of the issues and problems of resettlement.METHODS
The discussion is based on several sources: documents of the now-defunct Mount Pinatubo Task Force and the Mount Pinatubo Resettlement and Development Commission, which was created by law in September 1992 to replace the task force; unpublished reports of the regional government agencies, specifically the National Economic Development Authority, the Department of Public Works and Highways, the Department of Agriculture, the Department of Agrarian Reform, and the Department of Social Welfare and Development; relevant clippings of all major newspapers from June 1, 1991, to December 31, 1992; papers read in scientific conferences and various forums; findings of ongoing studies; and other published materials on the Mount Pinatubo disaster.Apart from written documents, the paper relies heavily on interviews with key informants in government and nongovernment institutions and discussions with victims in evacuation centers and resettlement sites. Some of the points in this overview first arose in a field-based multidisciplinary study of one municipality, Concepcion, Tarlac, which is located in the direct path of lahars (fig. 1) (C.B. Bautista, 1993). Our team of social scientists lived in the area for 3 months, from October to December 1991. The team's findings were later validated or qualified by key informants in other areas of central Luzon. In February 1992, a workshop involving researchers and key resource persons in the municipality was organized. A month later, some of the research findings were disseminated in a town assembly held on March 27, 1992.
Figure 1. Locations of barangays, towns, cities, and provinces cited in this report. All of the barangays and smaller sitios that are shown in parentheses, except Poonbato, were destroyed by the eruption. Poonbato was destroyed by subsequent lahars.
Some of the team members went to Concepcion at regular intervals thereafter--twice a month from April to July 1992, about once a week from August to September, and biweekly in October and November to follow up developments there. While data were updated in Concepcion, another small research project was organized from October to December 1992 to gather information on the disaster in central Luzon. Devastated villages, resettlement sites, and evacuation centers were visited. Interviews with respondents in government agencies and discussions with victims and their care-givers were conducted within this time period.
SOCIAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF THE MOUNT PINATUBO DISASTER
The 1991 eruption of Mount Pinatubo and its muddy aftermath have affected hundreds of thousands of central Luzon's residents in varying degrees, depending upon the specific hazard and their physical vulnerability to it. For purposes of accuracy in assessing the social and psychological impact of Mount Pinatubo on the population, the effects of the volcanic eruption are discussed separately from the effects of lahars and floods.Victims of the 1991 Eruption
Ash fall from Mount Pinatubo's eruptions in June 1991 affected about a million people, half of whom were from the province of Pampanga (table 1) (Pardo de Tavera, 1992). A quarter of a million people remained displaced 1 week after the first major blasts, of whom about 3 percent were in formally organized evacuation camps (Department of Social Welfare and Development, unpub. disaster monitoring report, September 28, 1991). Tens of thousands of central Luzon residents fled to Metro Manila, and about 30,000 of these took refuge in the Amoranto Stadium in Quezon City. Though generally harmless in areas far from Mount Pinatubo, wet ash fall from 5 to 50 cm deep caused 189 deaths in areas near the volcano when roofs collapsed under its weight (Magboo and others, 1992; Spence and others, this volume). Ash fall also damaged public structures that housed social services. Ninety-eight hospitals and health centers, 18 public markets, 13 municipal buildings, and 70 other government buildings were destroyed (Department of Public Works and Highways, 1992a).Table 1. The distribution of families and persons affected by ash fall (Pardo de Tavera, 1992)
| Province/City | Families | Percent of total |
Persons | Percent of total |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Bataan | 7,551 | 3.5 | 31,322 | 3.1 |
| Pampanga | 113,640 | 52.6 | 529,578 | 51.9 |
| Angeles City | 15,688 | 7.3 | 62,770 | 6.2 |
| Tarlac | 11,371 | 5.2 | 61,633 | 6.0 |
| Zambales | 49,827 | 23.0 | 245,582 | 24.1 |
| Olongapo City | 17,815 | 8.2 | 88,935 | 8.7 |
| Nueva Ecija | 79 | 0.2 | 373 | .0 |
| Total | 215,971 | 100.0 | 1,020,193 | 100.0 |
Of all persons affected, the hardest hit were the Aytas, an indigenous tribe (Shimizu, 1989). Around 7,800 Ayta families, or 35,000 persons, were forced to flee their homes (Task Force Pinatubo, 1992). The Ayta's economic and cultural life before the eruption was rooted in Mount Pinatubo. They lived by the volcano's rhythm, timing the planting and harvesting of their crops by the volume of steam rising continuously from a natural vent on the upper slope. A relatively dense steam meant a good harvest; a thin one augured a sparse yield (Lubos na Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (Negrito People's Alliance of Zambales, LAKAS), 1991, p. 32). They hunted in the volcano's wooded slopes and fished in the rivers that drained it. The volcano was not only the source of the Ayta's livelihood but also the abode of Apo Namalyari, their God, and home to the spirits of their ancestors. For these reasons, the Ayta's evacuation from the volcano was especially disruptive and heart-rending. A vivid chronicle of their life and exodus is given in Eruption and Exodus (LAKAS, 1991).
From that book's account, earth tremors and heavy steam from the volcano summit at 1600 on April 2, l991, caused panic-stricken Aytas from villages along the Zambales mountain slopes to flee their homes and converge in a village 12 km from the volcano's base. Those who ignored the first ominous signs on April 2 fled in waves within the next 2 weeks. By the third week of April, the number of evacuees in Poonbato, Botolan, Zambales, reached about 4,000.
Even Poonbato was not the last stop of the Aytas documented in the book. They changed sites with each extension of the danger zone from a 10- to 20-km radius of the volcano, from 20 to 30 km, and finally from 30 to 40 km. Some groups moved 9 times in 1991 before they found semipermanent relocation sites.
Fortunately for the Poonbato Aytas, whose experience was documented, the group was kept intact throughout the exodus. As organized constituents of the Lubos na Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS), they were also in a better position to maintain their cultural and tribal bonds and to critically assess the options opened to them. The acronym of the federation, LAKAS, means power.
This was not the case, however, among the Aytas living on other parts of the volcano. Mount Pinatubo's eruption scattered them to various evacuation centers and disrupted their political and administrative structure. New leaders and factions began to emerge as the tribes separated (Tadem and Bautista, 1993).
Anticipating the need for Aytas to vacate the slopes of Mount Pinatubo, the government set evacuation procedures in place before the major eruptions in June 1991. Conditions in the evacuation sites, however, were extremely difficult for Aytas. The tents provided only minimal shelter from the elements. Evacuees suffered from extremely hot days and cold and damp nights in these tents. There was no basic sanitation. As a consequence, respiratory and gastro-intestinal ailments were common. In early August, the Department of Social Welfare and Development reported that 156 Ayta children had died in evacuation centers in Tarlac and Zambales from various diseases such as measles, bronchopneumonia, and diarrhea.
Cultural differences accounted for the spread of some of these diseases. The measles outbreak is a case in point. A study conducted by the Department of Health reveals that its immunization campaign did not reach all vulnerable children in the camps. The cultural gap between the Aytas and health workers prevented the latter from reaching Ayta children (Magpantay and others, 1992; Surmieda and others, 1992). Some health workers believed that the Aytas eschewed Western medicine in favor of their own. However, the Sisters of the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary, who pioneered the literacy campaign among Aytas in Poonbato, claim that Aytas generally know when to ask for Western medical help. What was missing, at least initially, was rapport between health workers and Ayta evacuees that was based on an understanding of the Ayta culture. Malnutrition also contributed to high mortality among Ayta children (Surmieda and others, 1992).
Aside from getting more sick than their lowland counterparts in evacuation centers, Aytas were also disoriented by the surroundings far from their upland homes. They were unaccustomed to the sight of flatlands and plains, and they longed to roam the mountains and hills again in communion with nature and their God (LAKAS, 1991).
Thus, the Aytas were the prime victims of the volcanic eruption itself, before secondary effects like lahars and floods were taken into account. They were evacuated earlier than any other group, and throughout the ordeal of moving from one evacuation site to another, they were totally uprooted from their way of life. Even their resettlement sites, with high population density and town plaza complexes, were alien to their preeruption existence.
Victims of Lahars and Floods
Areas Most Damaged
The major eruptions and the plight of the Aytas in evacuation centers dominated newspaper headlines in June 1991. Since that time, lahars and floods have devastated many more villages and towns. Because preeruption river channels have been clogged by lahars, subsequent rainfall cannot drain away through those channels, so it floods adjoining lowlands.By October 1992, most parts of 29 barangays (villages) had been buried by lahars to depths of several meters (table 2). Eleven of these were in only one municipality--Botolan, Zambales. Six were in Tarlac and 12 in the densely populated province of Pampanga. Half of Pampanga's abandoned barangays were in the municipality of Bacolor. The 29 severely affected barangays were home to almost 10,000 families, or about 53,000 people (1990 National Statistical Office population estimates for these 29 barangays, as stored in the National Economic Development Authority Region III Geographic Information System data base). Even this high number is surely an underestimate, because it counts only those in barangays within which most sitios (hamlets) were buried. Families from devastated sitios of relatively less affected barangays are not counted.
Most of these families once lived in the densely populated barangays of Pampanga, the province that bore the brunt of lahars in the first 2 years. Porac, one of the most severely affected of central Luzon's once bustling towns, symbolizes Pampanga's travails. Many of its residents have left.
Floods caused by silted waterways have added to the misery of central Luzon's lowland victims. Compared to 1991, 1992 was the year of floods. Siltation of river channels (much by lahars) caused subsequent floods that submerged barangays in at least 18 municipalities (table 3). As of October 1, water from the September monsoon rains had not yet subsided in low-lying parts of these municipalities, and additional barangays (especially in Zambales) were also isolated by floods at this time. In the province of Bataan, adjoining the Pinatubo area, the municipalities of Dinalupihan, Hermosa, and Orani experienced persistent floods in 1992. Newspaper accounts on the week of August 20, 1992, cite the evacuation of residents of Hermosa from floodwaters of up to 5 to 7 feet (Philippine Daily Inquirer, August 20, 1992).
Table 2. Lahar-devastated barangays that were virtually abandoned in October 1992, listed by municipality and province.
[List of barangays is based on interviews with key informants in the municipalities, corroborated by newspaper accounts and field observations. The number of affected families and persons are taken from the 1990 National Statistics Office figures as stored in the data base of the National Economic Development Authority, Region III GIS Project]
| Province | Municipality | Barangay | Families | Population |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pampanga | 6,084 | 33,213 | ||
| Bacolor | Balas | 308 | 1,771 | |
| Duat | 300 | 1,840 | ||
| Parulog | 321 | 1,970 | ||
| Potrero | 786 | 4,624 | ||
| San Antonio | 887 | 5,718 | ||
| Santa Barbara | 507 | 2,991 | ||
| Mabalacat | Cacutud | 268 | 1,101 | |
| Dolores | 1,471 | 6,310 | ||
| Tabun | 430 | 2,191 | ||
| Porac | Mitla | 287 | 1,785 | |
| San Jose Mitla | 217 | 1,297 | ||
| Santa Rita | San Juan | 302 | 1,615 | |
| Tarlac | 1,832 | 10,634 | ||
| Bamban | Malonzo | 128 | 811 | |
| San Pedro | 385 | 2,039 | ||
| Bangcu | 35 | 216 | ||
| Concepcion | Malupa | 230 | 1,463 | |
| San Martin | 178 | 1,220 | ||
| Santa Rita | 876 | 4,885 | ||
| Zambales | 1,913 | 9,388 | ||
| Botolan | Villar | 230 | 1,121 | |
| Poonbato | 483 | 2,553 | ||
| Moraza | 112 | 569 | ||
| Belbel | 124 | 534 | ||
| Burgos | 145 | 669 | ||
| Cabatuan | 77 | 330 | ||
| Malomboy | 208 | 1,097 | ||
| Owaog-Nebloc | 34 | 168 | ||
| Palis | 79 | 328 | ||
| Nacolcol | 143 | 693 | ||
| Maquisquis | 278 | 1,326 | ||
| Total | 9,829 | 53,435 |
Comparative Effects of Lahars and Floods, 1991 and 1992
Owing perhaps to the previous year's experience with lahars, there were very few deaths due to lahars and floods in 1992. Whereas 100 of the 932 disaster-related deaths in 1991 were due to lahars, fewer than 10 died from lahars during 1992 (1991 figures are from the Special Transition Report of Task Force Pinatubo, May 1992, and include deaths from illness in evacuation camps; 1992 data are from the Department of Social Welfare and Development Region III Disaster Monitoring Report, September 28, 1992). Sixteen deaths, however, were due to floods in 1992, as opposed to none in 1991.Although the number of casualties decreased, significantly more people were affected by lahars and floods in 1992 than in 1991. A total of 33,400 families, or 159,939 persons, suffered the effects of lahars or floods in the first year (Department of Social Welfare and Development, 1992). In contrast, five times more families (164,191) and persons (802,742) were victimized by the end of August in the second year (Department of Social Welfare and Development, unpub. Disaster Monitoring data, September 28, 1992). The marked increase in the number of people affected was due primarily to massive lahar-induced floods in 1992. Viewing the data by type of hazard reveals that 144,259 families experienced floods in 1992, while 19,932 families were affected by lahars (table 4).
Table 3. Municipalities that were flooded, or isolated by flooding, as of late August 1992 (shown by asterisk) or October 1, 1992.
[All these municipalities were (and will continue to be) affected by clogging of river channels by lahars]
| Province | Municipality |
|---|---|
| Pampanga | Minalin |
| Guagua | |
| City of San Fernando | |
| Santo Tomas | |
| Macabebe | |
| Floridablanca | |
| Mexico | |
| Bacolor | |
| San Simon (*) | |
| Sasmuan (*) | |
| Porac (*) | |
| Zambales | Cabangan |
| San Marcelino | |
| Bataan | Hermosa (*) |
| Dinalupihan (*) | |
| Orani (*) | |
| Tarlac | Bamban |
| Concepcion |
Table 4. Distribution of affected families, listed by province and type of disaster.
[The 1991 figures were taken from DSWD (1992a). The 1992 data were taken from DSWD (1992b). Data are current up through the lahars and floods which occurred around August 15, 1992]
| Province | Percent of Families Affected | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Lahar, 1992 | Floods, 1992 | Lahar and flood combined | ||
| 1992 | 1991 | |||
| Bataan | - | 17 | 15 | 5 |
| Bulacan | - | 2 | 2 | |
| Nueva Ecija | - | <1 | - | <1 |
| Pampanga | 27 | 52 | 49 | 62 |
| Tarlac | 40 | 5 | 9 | 13 |
| Zambales | 33 | 24 | 25 | 20 |
| Total | 100 | 100 | 100 | 100 |
| Number | 19,932 | 144,259 | 164,191 | 33,400 |
At least 3,140 houses were completely destroyed and 3,072 were seriously damaged in 1992. Of the former category, 54 percent were demolished by lahar and the rest by floods. These data are principally for Pampanga; additional houses were destroyed in Tarlac and Zambales.
A discussion of the effects of lahars and floods on people is not complete without mentioning damage to infrastructure and agricultural lands--damage that has profoundly affected livelihood and quality of life. Lahars inundated 15 km of roads, damaged 13 major bridges throughout the 1991-92 period, and threaten to affect another 10 bridges in the coming years (Department of Public Works and Highways, 1992b; Environment Management Bureau, 1992). Mudflows also breached 58 km of river dikes, half of which were along the Pasig-Potrero River.
Lahars and floods affected as much as 42 percent of the total cropland of Pampanga, Tarlac, and Zambales. By province, Tarlac had the highest percentage of its cropland damaged (52 percent of 841 km2), followed by Pampanga (41 percent of 618 km2) and Zambales (13 percent of 236 km2) (Department of Agriculture Region III, unpub. data, 1992).
In 1991, almost 9 out of 10 lahar-affected agricultural areas were planted to rice (Task Force Pinatubo, 1992). In 1992, that ratio remained practically the same; only a slight shift occurred toward sugarcane (Department of Agriculture Region III, unpub. data, September 28, 1992 Summary of Damage Report).
This observation also holds for agricultural lands inundated by floods. They were overwhelmingly rice based. Because floods induced by lahar deposition in river channels usually left a layer of mud in their wake, farmers in affected rice-producing areas had to rehabilitate their lands.
Beyond their direct effects on agricultural lands, lahars and floods affected 5 national and 176 communal irrigation systems that serviced 483 km2 of farmlands and 25,476 farmers (Task Force Pinatubo, 1992). The latter figure includes many whose lands were spared from either lahars or floods.
In terms of the people associated with the land, a total of 11,540 farmers in Pampanga, Tarlac, and Zambales were affected by lahars in 1991. During this year, 85 percent of them were almost equally distributed between Pampanga and Tarlac. In 1992, however, the number of lahar-affected farmers declined by half, a finding consistent with the drop in the area of croplands newly affected by lahars.
Farmers in those areas covered with 7 to 15 cm of lahar were better off than their counterparts in places with more than 15 cm but less than 30 cm of mud. The land of farmers with 15 cm or less of lahar just needed to be plowed, while the land of those with thicker lahar had to be scraped. Still other land was either buried beyond rehabilitation by lahar or sunk in emergent lakes, and those who farmed such land must look for alternate land or leave farming.
Most of the affected farmers, especially in Pampanga and Tarlac, were land reform beneficiaries. Some are leaseholders, others amortizing owners, and still others are new owners who have fulfilled the state's requirement of land transfer. The loss of land owned through land reform, albeit temporary in a geologic sense, was a special blow to beneficiaries who have painstakingly paid in full and obtained legal ownership of their parcel of rice- or corn-producing lands. Among amortizing owners, those who have paid a significant amount of the cost of the land stood to feel the loss more than those who have defaulted on their payments.
Some Social Effects of Lahars and Floods
For the former residents of barangays devastated by lahars, the disaster mitigated an internal process of social differentiation. Prior to the calamity, the population in these villages was divided into those with access to agricultural assets or opportunities for overseas employment and those without. Lahars buried agricultural lands, equipment, and houses in these communities regardless of the wealth of the owner. In some instances, residents who were relatively well-off lost so much that they found themselves in positions similar to those who were once their social inferiors. It is in this sense that ordinary folks have referred to Mount Pinatubo as the "Leveller" or the "Equalizer."On the whole, however, class distinctions have not been eradicated, because many of those with financial resources managed to find new homes elsewhere. Residents who could not afford to go anywhere else were able to dig up housing materials, appliances, and furniture, thus preserving at least some of their position in the village's social hierarchy.
Although the basic social hierarchy has been maintained in those communities whose residents have remained intact in relocation sites, some new organizations of community life have emerged in relocation sites populated by residents hailing from different barangays. In addition, the social distance among groups in places that have not yet been severely affected by the disaster has been bridged by a significant increase in communal activities that have cut across classes. Religious rituals such as prayer sessions and processions around villages and along the river channels have been the most visible activities in different parts of central Luzon. The rituals have been conducted all year round, although they are practiced most frequently during the rainy season.
Apart from religious rituals, participation in activities to protect barangays from lahars (such as sandbagging) or to protest government decisions designating particular areas as catch basins have been documented. The explorations of the Disaster Coordinating Council to use the Candaba swamp as a catch basin for lahar was met by strong opposition from residents living in several municipalities in Pampanga.
In the summer of 1992, the Department of Public Works and Highways planned to make a sediment-trapping "sabo" dam in Maskup along the Sacobia River to contain lahars that were expected to flow into some parts of Mabalacat, Pampanga. Residents of this municipality resisted the plan, fearing that it would divert lahars to other parts of the town. Some of those interviewed claim that a few residents threatened the contractors who were beginning to survey the area. As a consequence, the plan was shelved.
The national government was not the only target of protests from angry residents who perceived efforts to protect some localities to threaten their own. Municipalities were pitted against each other as attempts to protect one political territory were deemed to be at the expense of a neighbor. The sandbagging operation along the boundary of San Fernando and Bacolor, Pampanga, is a case in point. The latter's folks rejected the fortification efforts of the former because it will trap lahars in Bacolor (Daily Globe, September 16, 1992, verified by the author from key informants).
San Fernando's local officials were also caught in a dispute with those from Santa Rita, Pampanga. San Fernando officials were alleged to have asked the local court to stop residents of Santa Rita from putting up a sandbag dike, lest the dike divert lahars and floods into San Fernando, Pampanga's capital (Philippine Star, September 25, 1992; Philippine Daily Inquirer, September 25, 1992). The provincial governor's mediation apparently led to the withdrawal of the suit on the same day.
The politics of lahar defenses also resulted in tension between neighboring communities. Sometimes, rumors were an outlet for the growing suspicion among neighboring barangays. Key informants in one municipality, for instance, cited ill will aroused by the differential impact of lahars on two sides of the river within that municipality. Those on the side that was spared were suspected of having breached the dike on the affected side. While such an operation would have been impossible to achieve without the affected area knowing about it, the impression held sway.
The fact that dike construction raised ill will reflects the extent to which lahar defense has become a highly politicized issue. A political culture in which the powerful are able to get away with practically anything, especially in rural areas, accounts for much of the cynicism and suspicion with which efforts to defend human settlements are viewed.
Some Psychological Effects of Lahar and Floods
A cursory review of the graffiti on walls of abandoned homes reveals the angry and plaintive expressions of victims who, despite early warnings from the Philippine Institute of Volcanology and Seismology (PHIVOLCS), were caught off guard. Nothing in their individual and collective past prepared them for the disaster. As such, many of the victims suffered from psychological problems even long after their initial evacuation.A study of victims and service providers in Tarlac (Jimenez, 1993) vividly described the evacuation process, which traumatized adults and children:
But whether it came by day or night, the sound and sight of the lahar was enough to frighten the people into immediate escape. The lahar was terrifyingly high and steaming hot, they reported. It swept along with it tree trunks and rocks so huge and heavy that it took five men to move them later on. Many believed it to be the end of the world and all thought they would die then. All thought of immediate escape. There were those who only had time to scoop in their infant children and run off, all the while shouting to their older children to run ahead. (Few) had enough time and presence of mind to scoop up ... belongings.
There was pandemonium as they ran, they recalled. People were screaming and crying as they ran, calling on their God for help and deliverance. Everyone was terrified and shouting for help. In their haste, they tripped or ran into each other, fell, picked themselves up and begun to run blindly again...there was a mad rush to get on the trucks. The women and children came off badly in this scramble, as they were pushed aside or thrown unceremoniously on.
Those who were caught in their houses only had enough time to rush up to their roofs. There, families huddled together in fear and for comfort--awaiting their certain death. All spent the night terrified, crying, and praying to God for help and mercy ...."Jimenez (1993) also reported several symptoms of stress among the victims who evacuated to the centers. Upon arrival in the evacuation sites, they trembled from cold and fear continuously. Some went into hysterical laughter. Even days later, victims found it difficult to sleep and did not have much appetite for food. Some of Jimenez's respondents judged that the Mount Pinatubo disaster affected males and females differently. Males tended to become more quiet and withdrawn than did the women, and spent time in all-male drinking sessions.
More than a year after their lives were uprooted, service providers in a relatively well-established resettlement site for farmers in Zambales cited sudden bouts of crying, irritability, and constant headaches among the resettlers, which could only be traced to the trauma of Mount Pinatubo. Symptoms of stress were not confined to those who left their homes. For those living along the potential corridors of lahars and floods, the monsoon season heralded sleepless nights, with families anxiously awaiting the warning to flee their homes. So intense was the stress that when the warning signals--church bells or successive gunshots--were raised, key informants reported incidents of residents who suffered from heart attacks.
Many of the psychological problems confronted by those who took flight from the perils of lahars and those who continue to live in natural catch basins could be attenuated by mass resettlement to areas that are not vulnerable to the disaster. Unfortunately, snags in the resettlement process and attachment to their original lands and homes have discouraged many would-be settlers from moving to resettlement areas. To the dismay of scientists who warn against remaining in danger zones, many of the potential victims have chosen to remain in high-risk areas because they have no viable alternatives.
ISSUES OF RESETTLEMENT
As noted earlier, the Mount Pinatubo disaster has displaced tens of thousands of people in Tarlac, Pampanga, and Zambales. A conservative estimate based only on the population of 29 most thoroughly buried barangays in 1992 is around 53,000 people, a figure that is bound to increase in 1993.The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Recovery Action Plan team projected in a briefing for the Mount Pinatubo Commission that about 1,900 km2 of land in the three provinces may be buried beneath 2 m of lahar debris. The study, which basically supports the PHIVOLCS projections, prompted the commission to estimate that about 74,000 residents in the high risk areas could no longer be defended against lahar and might have to be evacuated by force (Mount Pinatubo Commission, 1993). These people, who were not victims during the 1991 and 1992 rainy seasons will add to the 53,000 dislocated victims.
Because of the scale of human displacement, the state poured massive financial resources into the development of various resettlement projects. Total expenditures during 1991 and 1992 were at least P2.5 billion (US $93 million) for evacuation and resettlement sites (Mercado and others, this volume). In addition, various civic groups, private relief agencies, and development-oriented nongovernmental organizations in some of the state's resettlement sites also infused private resources into these efforts. The Loob Bunga Resettlement Site in Zambales, for instance, stands out in terms of its private resources. At least 11 organizations extended food assistance, provided health and nutrition services, and promoted livelihood projects, as well as literacy and spring-water development projects.
Technocratic Top-Down Planning or Bottom-Up Participatory Approaches
An ongoing controversy over the state's resettlement efforts boils down to differences in the basic approach to the problem of resettlement. From the perspective of a technocrat, resettlement requires technical planning based on the principles of scale and efficiency. The logic underlying the technocratic perspective of the now-defunct Mount Pinatubo Task Force can be described as follows. The infrastructure and settlement patterns of some modern cities in the world were planned at critical junctures in their history. The present Tokyo, for example, developed from the ruins of the Great Kanto earthquake of 1923 and from the Second World War. While these calamities resulted in untold human misery, they also provided the occasion to plan the modern Tokyo.Because the Pinatubo disaster dislocated tens of thousands of victims, the technocrats hope to address victims' needs while maximizing the rare opportunity to use planning principles. Their idea is to put up settlements bigger than the usual barangays in order to economize on basic services like schools, public markets, and hospitals. The concept for the physical layout of the envisioned towns drew from the sprouting subdivisions in Metro Manila and its suburbs, the plaza complex found in most towns, and ideas about the practicality of grid road networks versus the current linear pattern in rural areas.
In addition, because government will be building new towns anyway, the Mount Pinatubo Task Force's logic dictates that they might as well fit into the Regional Spatial Development Strategy of central Luzon. This strategy conceives Region III to be the transit lane between the resource-rich provinces of northern Luzon and the densely populated industrialized areas of Metro Manila. As such, central Luzon will "serve as a catchment area for population and industry spill-over from the metropolis, while maintaining its comparative advantage in agriculture in some places." The plans also project the region in the role of "providing the requirements of the Northern Luzon provinces in terms of processing and manufacturing of goods and their eventual shipment to areas of destination" (Mount Pinatubo Task Force, 1991).
The overall technocratic vision explains why new resettlement areas have gridded street systems, modern public buildings clustered around a plaza, productivity centers (large buildings intended for use as factories), and uniform houses made of either hollow concrete blocks or nipa (a palm).
However, these complexes have attracted much negative attention. Some critics are silent on the basic approach but object to aspects of the content or implementation of the program; other critics question the basic philosophy and the implementation of the plans. The first group of critics accepts the technocratic planning process but assails the state for its insensitivity to the plight of central Luzon's dislocated residents. Site development has been deemed too slow in the face of victims who have languished in evacuation centers for more than a year. In the case of O'Donnell, Capas, Tarlac, the most developed of the sites, millions of pesos had to be advanced by a cooperative headed by a private citizen to hasten the pace of its development.
Apart from the speed, the phasing of the project has also been questioned. Cemented roads and public buildings were put up before houses. To make matters worse, livelihood development efforts were relegated to the background, so some who moved into the resettlement areas decided to leave and others hesitated to move in. On the whole, these criticisms do not question the plaza complex or even the construction of public buildings as long as these are done after housing and livelihood needs are met.
The second group of critics questions not only the content of the plans but also the spirit and process of planning imbedded in them. Drawing from the principles of participatory development, these critics stress the importance of planning with and not for the affected people. In this approach, victims should participate actively in all stages of planning.
The participation of would-be resettlers is crucial for practical and psychological reasons. Victims will make sure that projects will meet their needs, and they will feel a pride of ownership. The resulting houses and emergent communities may not conform aesthetically to the technocratic vision, but they will be houses and a community in (and for) which the displaced families will work hard and succeed. Psychologically, the process of participation is as important as the visible outcomes of collective decisionmaking, because it enhances the self confidence of individual victims and the community's collective confidence in being able to rebuild its life in the new site.
The criticisms emanating from proponents of participatory development have two implications for resettlement. There can be no uniform design or blueprint for resettlement sites. This means some of the basic parameters in terms of sites can be set at the national or regional level, but the conceptualization of plans will have to be decentralized to the level of the communities involved. The second implication is that community organizational efforts must be an integral part of the resettlement process. It is easy enough to give lip service to community organizing, but it is hard to find capable people who have internalized the spirit of participatory development. Case studies of resettlement sites by the nongovernmental organization (NGO) Philippine Business for Social Progress, for instance, reveal that some NGO's that are committed in principle to participatory development encounter problems of finding enough good organizers.
Coordination
Meaningful and effective decentralized planning requires coordination with local and regional government agencies and NGO's. For all the criticisms hurled against the state in the last 2 years, it is the only institution that can mobilize all of the basic resources needed in resettlement work. Only the state is in a position to officially allocate land from the public domain and negotiate with private owners. Infrastructural works such as roads, power, sanitation, and schools are also better left with government.Coordination with and among government agencies is necessary to speed up the process of resettlement. This is easier said than done. Even under a centralized scheme, conferences on relief and rehabilitation have been haunted by a recurring complaint--that government agencies continue to function within their own turfs. As such, the disaster-related programs have been far from integrated (Bonifacio, 1992). NGO's also have problems of duplicated effort and lack of communication. Key informants claim that very little is done to coordinate services rendered. Furthermore, when collaborative decisions are reached, there are no mechanisms for carrying them out.
In their book based on the lessons learned from disasters in different parts of the world, Anderson and Woodrow (1989) cautioned against too much stress on NGO coordination. Although they argue for coordination of services, they raise basic questions. Who is in charge of coordination? Whose purpose does it serve? Is it intended to ease the work of NGO's and make logistical requirements run smoothly or is it to ensure the highest possible involvement of the victims in decisionmaking and planning?
Long-Term Development versus Dependency
Underlying the abovementioned questions is an argument for integrating disaster-related work with long-term development goals. If enhancing the capacities of victims and reducing their vulnerabilities is not kept in mind by development workers at every point of the rehabilitation and resettlement process, then well-intentioned attempts to improve coordination will merely add to a host of other emergency efforts that defer long-term development to the future.In debates over models for development, all agree that the creation of economic and social structures, while necessary, is not a sufficient gauge of development. Over the long run, external agents cannot ensure a people's well being; only the people themselves can do that, by increasing their capacities and reducing their vulnerabilities.
Given the demands of ministering to the daily requirements of rehabilitation or resettlement, even the more development-oriented NGO's and committed government agents may fail to see how their humanitarian work can stifle the capacity of the victims to rise from the ashes. As their short-term emergency assignment becomes institutionalized in the field, they may be insensitive to the incipient dependence developed in the victims who are unwittingly made to rely on external agents for their needs.
Many of those involved with redevelopment around Pinatubo realize the dependence they have inadvertently created in the course of their work. NGO's operating in the Loob Bunga Resettlement site are themselves alarmed by the perpetuation of a culture of dependence and mendicancy among resettlers (Mondragon, 1992). While they all agree that food for work programs will have to end, they are prevented from focusing on rehabilitation by a lack of opportunities to sustain livelihood projects in the site.
The original concept of the new resettlement towns assumed industrial development in the central Luzon region. The planners hoped that multinational and domestic investors would see the prospect of employing resettlers in the newly built productivity centers. However, the uncertainty over the landscape of central Luzon in the next few years and the sluggish nature of overall Philippine economy has, to date, prevented investors from risking their fortunes in these centers. Naturally, concerns about livelihood have slowed acceptance of resettlement. Respondents to a survey by the Philippine Business for Social Progress (PBSP, 1993) revealed that most respondents gave livelihood a higher priority than housing. The relative absence of income sources in the resettlement sites accounts for the refusal of would-be settlers to move to the new sites. It also explains why some of those who moved in earlier have already left the sites.
The fact that some displaced victims have returned to their old homes has led the NGO's in Zambales to seriously consider internal repatriation. Supporters of repatriation point out that some of the victims who decided to stay put in their barangays at the height of the evacuations seem to have rebuilt their lives faster than anyone in the resettlement sites. It may be possible for some to return to their old homes during the dry season and to go to the resettlement sites when the rains begin. It may also be possible for some victims to evacuate to sites near their original barangays rather than to the resettlement areas.
CONCLUSIONS
The eruptions of 1991 and their muddy aftermath have taken an enormous toll on the people of central Luzon. Fewer than 1,000 lives have been lost, but more than 200,000 families and more than a million people have suffered some loss or dislocation as a result of ash fall, lahars, or flooding. Of these, barangays that were home to 9,800 families (53,000 people) were so severely buried or otherwise damaged that they have been virtually abandoned. Large areas of agricultural land have been covered, some beyond immediate rehabilitation, and additional areas have lost their supply of irrigation water.Current victims of the Pinatubo disaster have not yet seen the end, and many others are still potential victims. The next several years will continue to bring untold misery to central Luzon. Those who are presently dislocated, and those who will be dislocated in the next several years, need resettlement options that provide livelihood and that facilitate psychosocial adjustments to the trauma of being uprooted. The task is urgent, because people in high-risk areas will agree to move away only if there are viable alternatives.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The paper condenses the findings of a multidisciplinary team under the sponsorship of the College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University of the Philippines--Centre for Asian Studies, University of Amsterdam.REFERENCES CITED
Anderson, Mary, and Woodrow, Peter, 1989, Rising from the ashes: Boulder, Westview Press, and Paris, UNESCO Press, 300 p.Bautista, Cynthia Banzon, ed., 1993, In the shadow of the lingering Mt. Pinatubo disaster: Quezon City, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University of the Philippines Faculty Book Series No. 2, 291 p.
Bonifacio, Manuel, 1992, Disaster in agriculture: A framework for an innovative approach to agricultural resources management for Region III: Paper presented to the Farming Systems and Soils Research Institute, College of Agriculture, University of the Philippines at Los Banos.
Department of Public Works and Highways, 1992a, Mt. Pinatubo Infrastructure, Rehabilitation, and Reconstruction Program': Paper presented at the International Scientific Conference on Mt. Pinatubo, May 27-31, 1992, Department of Foreign Affairs, Building, Manila, 35 p.
------1992b, Mt. Pinatubo Infrastructure, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Program: Manila, unpublished report of September 15, 1992, 29 p.
Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), 1992, DSWD and relief operations: Paper presented by the DSWD Secretary at the International Scientific Conference on Mt. Pinatubo, May 27-31, 1992, Department of Foreign Affairs, Manila, 12 p.
------1992b, Consolidated report on flashflood/lahar: Manila, Department of Social Welfare and Development, Region III, September 28, 1992.
Environment Management Bureau, Department of Environment and Natural Resources, 1992, A report of the Philippine environment and development: Issues and strategies: U.N. Conference on Environment and Development, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 260 p.
Jimenez, Maria Carmen, 1993, Stress and coping in difficult times: a study of evacuees and service providers in Concepcion, in Bautista, C.B., ed., In the shadow of the lingering Mt. Pinatubo disaster: Quezon City, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy Publications, Faculty Book Series No. 2, p. 131-162.
Lubos na Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS), 1991, Eruption and exodus: Quezon City, Claretian Publications, 122 p.
Magboo, F.P., Abellanosa, I.P., Tayag, E.A., Pascual, M.L., Magpantay, R.L., Viola, G.A., Surmieda, R.S., Roces, M.C.R., Lopez, J.M., Carino, D., Carino, W., White, M.E., and Dayrit, M.M., 1992, Destructive effects of Mt. Pinatubo's ashfall on houses and buildings [abs.]: Abstracts, International Scientific Conference on Mt. Pinatubo, May 27-31, 1992, Department of Foreign Affairs, Manila, p. 22.
Magpantay, R.L., Abellanosa, I.P., White, M.E., and Dayrit, M.M., 1992, Measles among Aetas in evacuation centers after volcanic eruption [abs.]: Abstracts, International Scientific Conference on Mt. Pinatubo, May 27-31, 1992, Department of Foreign Affairs, Manila, p. 33.
Mercado, R.A., Lacsamana, J.B.T., and Pineda, G.L., this volume. Socioeconomic impacts of the Mount Pinatubo eruption
Mondragon, Gabriel, 1992, Resettlement and rehabilitation of Mt. Pinatubo victims: Problems and prospects for sustainable agricultural development. The Loob Bunga experience: Paper presented at the Symposium for Sustainable Agricultural Development of Mt. Pinatubo Affected Areas, National Institute of Biotechnology and Applied Meteorology, University of the Philippines at Los Banos.
Mount Pinatubo Commission, 1993, Pinatubo News Highlights: Manila, v. 1, no. 3, April, 6 p.
Mount Pinatubo Task Force, 1991, Rehabilitation and reconstruction program for Mt. Pinatubo affected areas: Manila, Government of the Philippines, October 1991, 62 p.
------1992, Rehabilitation of Mt. Pinatubo affected areas, special transition report: Manila, Government of the Philippines, May 1992, 43 p.
Pardo de Tavera, M., 1992, Department of Social Welfare and Development and Relief Operations: Paper presented by the DSWD Secretary at the International Scientific Conference on Mount Pinatubo, Department of Foreign Affairs, May 27-31, 1992.
Philippine Business for Social Progress, 1993, In search of alternatives for the Mt. Pinatubo victims, preliminary report: Manila, May 1993, 100 p.
Shimizu, Hiromu, 1989, Pinatubo Aytas: Continuity and Change: Manila, Ateneo de Manila Press, p. 6-14.
Spence, R.J.S., Pomonis, A., Baxter, P.J., Coburn, A.W., White, M., and Dayrit, M., this volume, Building damage caused by the Mount Pinatubo eruption of June 14-15, 1991.
Surmieda, M.R.S., Abellanosa, I.P., Magboo, F.P., Magpantay, R.L., Pascual, M.L., Tayag, E.A., Viola, Q.A., Diza, F.C., Lopez, J.M., Miranda, M.E.G., Roces, M.C., Sadang, R.A., Zacarias, N.S., Dayrit, M.M., and White, M.E., 1992, Mt. Pinatubo eruption: Disease surveillance in evacuation camps [abs.]: Abstracts, International Scientific Conference on Mt. Pinatubo, May 27-31, 1992, Department of Foreign Affairs, Manila, p. 34.
Tadem, E., and Bautista, C.B., 1993, Brimstone and ash: The Mt. Pinatubo eruption, in Bautista, C.B., ed., In the shadow of the lingering Mt. Pinatubo disaster: Quezon City, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University of the Philippines Faculty Book Series No. 2, p. 3-16.
FIRE and MUD Contents
PHIVOLCS | University of Washington Press | U.S.Geological Survey
This page is <http://pubs.usgs.gov/pinatubo/cbautist/>
Contact: Chris Newhall
Last updated 06.10.99
source: http://pubs.usgs.gov/pinatubo/cbautist/
Indigenous People’s Theatre Festival Honors Mother Earth
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS.PH) —Five hours travel by express bus from Manila to the town of Botolan followed by a 20–minute tricycle ride along an unsealed road will bring you to the village of Bihawo. In April this year, the LAKAS Ayta village was chosen as the Indigenous Peoples’ Theatre Festival site to represent the spirit of the gathering —to come close to Mother Earth and pay homage to her elemental spirits.
The occasion was the PagSandiwa (Oneness in Spirit) Festival celebrating the relationship of indigenous people and Mother Earth. The 5–day celebration from 26–30 April 2000 brought together hundreds of tribal elders, shamans, healers, storytellers and performance artists from various parts of the Philippines.
Delegates from the Ayta, Badjao, Bagobo, Dibabawon, Dumagat, Ibaloy, I-wak, Kalanguya, Kalinga, Kankanaey, Subanen, Sama, Talaandig, Tausug and T’boli gathered to present their traditional dances, music and stories. The performance art also served as vehicles for the sharing of experiences in utilising culture and traditions for the protection of the environment.
The tribal participants travelled from their ancestral lands which, though wonders of creation, are environmentally endangered. They related how their lifeways and cultures are shaped and nourished by the wealth of their environment and how its protection is vital for the survival of their communities. In their belief systems, trees, rivers, mountains and natural elements are regarded as sacred dwelling places of ancestral spirits which must be regarded with utmost respect.
There were also workshops on folklore, traditional arts and crafts, curriculum, programming and teachers’ training skills. In the evenings after dinner, we had story–telling about the histories of the tribes, their issues, struggles, heroes and victories of previous generations.
The Tribal Elders presented their reflections during the forum on Indigenous Education and Survival of the Tribe. The feature of that day was the ritual blessings from the different tribes present at the Festival for the first full–term Indigenous school in the Philippines specialising in the preservation and development of Indigenous knowledge and lifeways that uphold the ecological integrity of Mother Earth.
Building the School of Indigenous Knowledge and Traditions of the Ayta Tribe (SÍKÄT–Ayta) started last year. It is a large tribal house made of bamboo and cogon grass that will be their community’s lifeline so long as it remains true to their ancestors’ convictions and beliefs. It is the Ayta community’s feast offering to Earth Day 2000.
PagSandiwa Indigenous People’s Festival, organized by the Asian Council for People’s Culture and Theatre for the Environment Network (ACPC/Tent), was made possible with the generous assistance of the Royal Netherlands Embassy, Bilance, MISSIO, Broedelijk Delen and LandBank. ACPC/Tent is a national organization of cultural workers and community educators.
ACPC/Tent National Performing Team
ACPC/Tent’s National Performing Team presented Pitong Ritwal ng Inang Lupa (Seven Rituals of Mother Earth) featuring youth of the Kalinga, Ayta, Talaandig, T’boli, Dibabawon and Tausug peoples. The play revolves around seven rituals portraying the cycles of life and their interaction with the environment: birth, baptism, fertility, healing, war, death, and re–birth. It is performed in a bamboo set that depicts the three segments of the universe from the Manobo world view: the uppermost is "lemlunay" (heaven), the middle is "sal–ladan" (where humans exist), and the lowest portion is "bolibolan" which is the underworld and dwelling place of evil spirits. The bamboo installation also serves as a giant music instrument.
CINE/Davao Children’s Theatre Collective
Founded by CINE (Children’s Innovative Education), The Davao Children’s Theatre Collective has produced Limang Mukha ng Kaunlaran (Five Faces of Development), a commentary through young eyes and tender hearts about the impact upon children of globalization. Five young artists were fielded to gather material for the theatre production from the fisherfolk of Maputi, Banaybanay, the gold miners of Mainit, Nabunturan, the peasants of Cambilawa, Inambatan, Monkayo, the banana plantation workers of Abiud, Pag–Asa, and the Dibabawon tribal people of Buhi, Laak. The resulting production depicts the realities of war–torn Mindanao and young people’s efforts to restore peace and regain justice and harmony.
Helobung School for Living Traditions
"Helobung" is a T’boli concept of entertainment featuring their rich and unique culture, music, chants, songs, traditional instruments, dances and mimesis. Based in South Cotabato, the T’boli promote harmony between nature and people and pay deep respect to the spirits that dwell in the natural environment. They believe that "lemlunay" (heaven) is a paradise where there is no sorrow and where "d’watas" (goddesses) play music during festivities that never end. In 1984, members of the tribe began to revitalize their skills in music, dance and crafts under the guidance of community elders. A troupe was formally organized and today it plays a crucial role in ensuring that T’boli tribal heritage will continue to flourish for many more generations. In recent years they have performed in France, Hong Kong, Japan and Australia.
Tanghalang Ayta ng LAKAS
Tanghalang Ayta ng LAKAS, or Tala, started as a cultural group during the 1980s when the Aytas still lived on the slopes of Mt. Pinatubo. Today, it functions as a recorder and narrator of history. Tala’s maiden play tells about the struggle for self–identity, dignity and empowerment of the Aytas. In a simple, straightforward manner that combines the talents of elders and youth, they reconstruct significant landmarks in their tribe’s long years of journey since the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo in 1991. For the Aytas, cultural heritage is the soul of their existence.
Kalinga People’s Theatre
The Kalinga People’s Theatre is a newly-founded cultural organization of youth and elders from the Tinglayan, Lubuagan, Botbot and Bangad tribes of Kalinga. Its mission is to promote peace among the Kalinga communities by restoring the sacredness of the "bodong" (peace pact) which was once an inviolable tradition among many tribes of the Cordilleras. The Kalinga systems of communal livelihood, collective leadership and warrior tradition have placed them at the forefront of Indigenous peoples’ struggles. With epic stories, courtship dances, chants, rituals and musical celebrations, their cultural workers take their dreams of harmony across the boundaries of tribal conflict.
Talaandig School for Living Traditions
Founded in 1996, the school is located at the foot of Mt. Kitanglad National Park in Sitio Tulugan, Sonco, Lantapan, Bukidnon. In building the school the first step was the construction of the Tulugan, a big house that has a large hall with a central fireplace, where the community can gather for activities such as chanting, storytelling, weaving, handicrafts, dancing, and conducting tribal rituals. It is thus a natural learning center of indigenous knowledge of the Talaandig tribe. The function of the Tulugan as a repository of wisdom was disrupted for hundreds of years with the era of Spanish colonization. The Talaandig School for Living Traditions aims to re–establish the Tulugan as a venue for the transfer of knowledge to the next generation and a counter balance to the prevailing influences of Western culture, so that elders and youth may gather to affirm their ties as a community, uphold their identity and thereby ensure the survival of the Talaandig tribe.
Tambuli Cultural Troupe of Tawi–Tawi
The Tambuli Cultural Troupe was established in 1974 to revive and sustain interest in the Sama, Tausug, Badjaw and Jama Mapun folk music, dance and rituals. The mini archipelago of Tawi–Tawi is a paradise of marine biodiversity. Turtle Island is the home and nesting ground of the endangered pawikans (giant sea turtles) and the surrounding waters are the breeding places of rare marine species. The graceful flight and fishing skills of the local linggisan bird has inspired dances which mimic its intricate movements. The people believe that if harm befalls the linggisan, one invites misfortune and nature’s anger. The Tambuli Troupe presents an allegorical play about the linggisan whose habitat is deteriorating with the coming of so–called development and modernization.
During June and July last year three Ayta youth delegates from LAKAS visited Australia on a speaking tour and cultural exchange. The July/Sept 1999 issue of Kasama featured their visit. This year Epang Domulot, Tubag Jugatan and Orosco Cabalic have been busy helping with the SÍKÄT School and the PagSandiwa Festival. The text above is reprinted from the festival booklet which arrived with this letter:
"How are all of you? We are glad to share with you our important activity here. This is the first time we will celebrate an IP [Indigenous Peoples] Festival called PagSandiwa – that means "one spirit". We also are proud to have the first IP school in our community. We hope we will be successful. We will have many things to share with you after the festival. Now, we are very busy. Tubag and Epang are festival deputy coordinators and Orosco is coordinating our theatre group and is one of the main actors. We hope we can send you a video tape of the whole festival. Regards to all, especially Kuya Bobby.
Sincerely,
Epang, Tubag, and Orosco."
source: http://cpcabrisbane.org/Kasama/2000/V14n2/PagSandiwa.htm
Bakasyunan Resort Employs Aetas and Builds School
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS.PH) — Philippines Iba, Zambales. The indegenous people of Zambales were affected by the 1991 Mt. Pinatubo eruption and flash flooding had no choice but to resettle in the mountas of Iba, Zambales. There are about 2,000 who resettled in Brgy. Olpy, sitio Amungan and the other Aeta groubls in their barangays further up in Zambales.
The owners of Bakasyunan Resort (Centro Spoecialists) saw their living conditions and responded quickly by employing some to work for the resort and their farmlands nearby. They also learnt how the barangay was in need of educational and health facilities and teachers for the Aeta kids as they are illeterate due to their living in the bush/land lifestyle. The officials of Centro, Bkasuyan also learnt that the kids had to walk few kilometres to access their nipa hut classrom just so they can learn the basics of reading, writing and mathematics that they agreed to build a school that is central to all the Aeta barangays.
8,000 square metres of land was awarded by DENR to the DEPED for school building after the meeting which was initiated by DEPED and DENR. An agreement was signed sometime in May 2010 for the construction to commence in Jun 2010 for the amount of P1.5 million.
On September the Aetas had their own two-classrom concrete schole thatn can sit 80 students, with a trained teacher in alternative learning. This school was then named Doña Luisa Obieta Elementary School — a name based on a family that has the most largest stake in Centro Specialists and Bakasyunan Resorts.
There are other construction made including a well from the natural spring for continuous water supply to Braranga Olpy. Bakasyuna also provides basic necessities such as snaks, slipers, T-shirts raincotas, school bags and includes a day care centre for future plans.
Read full article here
The owners of Bakasyunan Resort (Centro Spoecialists) saw their living conditions and responded quickly by employing some to work for the resort and their farmlands nearby. They also learnt how the barangay was in need of educational and health facilities and teachers for the Aeta kids as they are illeterate due to their living in the bush/land lifestyle. The officials of Centro, Bkasuyan also learnt that the kids had to walk few kilometres to access their nipa hut classrom just so they can learn the basics of reading, writing and mathematics that they agreed to build a school that is central to all the Aeta barangays.
8,000 square metres of land was awarded by DENR to the DEPED for school building after the meeting which was initiated by DEPED and DENR. An agreement was signed sometime in May 2010 for the construction to commence in Jun 2010 for the amount of P1.5 million.
On September the Aetas had their own two-classrom concrete schole thatn can sit 80 students, with a trained teacher in alternative learning. This school was then named Doña Luisa Obieta Elementary School — a name based on a family that has the most largest stake in Centro Specialists and Bakasyunan Resorts.
There are other construction made including a well from the natural spring for continuous water supply to Braranga Olpy. Bakasyuna also provides basic necessities such as snaks, slipers, T-shirts raincotas, school bags and includes a day care centre for future plans.
Read full article here
Alternative Learning System for the Aeta Community
Lubos Alyansa ng mga Katutubong Ayta ng Sambales (LAKAS.PH) —
Alternative Learning System for the Aeta Community: Equalizing Education to Cultural Minority Groups in Lopez, Quezon, Philippines
Author: Reynald Cacho
“ALS is expected to provide solutions in areas of conflict, critical thinking, in indigenous people communities and in areas where literacy is most wanting and where literacy is needed.”
Hon. Jesli Lapus, Secretary of Department of Education
The government’s vision for non-formal education is revitalized and epitomized through an Executive Order No. 358 S. 2004, rnaming and reinventing of the Bureau of Nonformal Education to Bureau of Alternative Learning System (BALS) whose vision is to view the Philippines as a nation where all the citizens, especially the marginalized individual or group of learners who could not equitably gain access to formal education because of unwanted conditions, be given equal access to quality education by taking an alternative learning system that will enable them to become productive workforce and members of the land. As its mandates, ALS is propelled by its functions to:
While some nongovernmental organizations also take part in aiding educational facilities and health and sanitation service, this mini-case study highlighted only the application of ALS in the promotion of literacy among the Aetas of Lopez, Quezon, describing the attitude or responses of the clienteles in Aeta community toward the realization of educational efforts starting February 2008 to the present.
This case study includes the initiatives and actions of the ALS coordinator and her instructional managers’ common experience with their clienteles and the attitude or behavior of the Aeta clienteles toward its programs. It also includes ethnographic account of how the usual ALS class goes on. The student-researchers were able to validate such remarks and notes in direct observations and interview they conducted at the Aeta clienteles and its immediate community.
Majority of the data used in this report were drawn from interview and observations from the school site and reports of the Lopez East District Alternative Learning System Office. On the other hand, this mini-case study had also limitations. The researchers initially recommend that another follow or related study on the subjects be conducted concerning on the cultural impact of this learning in an alternative way.
Alaternative Learning Learning System of Lopez East District and and Aeta Clienteles in Brgy. Villa Espina
The Alternative Learning System Coordinator of Lopez East District who is in-charged of delivering the programs of BALS to the Aeta community is Mrs. Angelina J. Oblina. On her team are two Instructional Managers (IM) and an Aeta coordinator. The two instructional managers are the key teachers and implementers who directly get involved and supervised and promote ALS program to the Aeta Community. Mrs. Mabel A. Oblina and Wilma Capistrano are the IMs, who are paid by the local government with a monthly honorarium of P 4, 500.00 pesos each. The Aeta coordinator is Andy Villa Franco, local villager who maintains direct contact to the Aeta community clienteles in the absence of the IMs or the ALS coordinator.
From non-formal to ALS, it formally opened last February 2008. Through local ALS Coordinator’s initiatives of hiring local funded instructional managers and her unquestionably commitment to its program implementation, ALS instruction to the Aeta community begun. Since its target clienteles are the Aeta community, encouragement and recruitment to this displaced minority was the biggest toll at the onset.
Formerly, on her report, Mrs. Oblina was able to delineate some of its beginning noting the following points.
Tribal groups, specifically Aetas are the deprived, depressed and undeserved population. Their settlement can be found in a far-flung area. Uncivilized and illiterate, only few attended formal schooling because they do not understand the benefit that education could give to a person. On September 1, 1994, Non-Formal Education (NFE) brought the school for the Aetas, through “Magbasa Kita Project” a basic literacy program of the department. I was assigned to handle the class or community of Aeta as “para-teacher” at the same time “ate” not ma’am or teacher by the Aetas. Back then, I introduced the phono-syllabic lessons. The school was made up of nipa that existed in Villa Espina. The enrollees of these classes are of no age limit.
Dealing with Aetas as one of the NFE/ALS clienteles is not an easy task for me. So, I mobilized our local system. It is indeed very challenging on our part. We had a hard time encouraging and motivating them so that they will come to school. Convincing them to come to school even included drinking liquor with them. Furthermore, we use variety of ways and approaches to be able to win their interest. The school set-up lasted for some years yet their ways of living have not changed despite all the efforts exerted by their other mentors. Some still carried the old practices and do not even own a house where they can live permanently and comfortably.
Construction of two-room building sponsored by the ABS-CBN “Tree of Hope Program” built last year (2007) became one of the motivating factors that led the Aetas to take ALS program. ALS program formally started from February to April 2008. Fortunately, out of more or less 50 households, Fifty-four Aetas were its first batch of students. The group was divided into two separate classes. The first group consisted of young Aetas for 6 to 13 years old under the tutelage of Mrs. Wilma A. Oblina. This group is at the beginning level of instructional. The other class, under Mrs. Wilma Capistrano comprised of the teenagers to adult consisting of 13 years old to as old as forty-four. This group could be considered as emergent learners progressing from the very basic level. During this grace period, meetings were done three times a week. Instruction during those times focused mainly to basic literacy focus, which is more on reading of the alphabet (phono-syllabic lessons), writing (specifically writing their names) and clienteles’ adjustment to alternative schooling.
Alternative Learning System programs continued starting this beginning school year, June 2008. There was an increased enrolment. From fifty-four (54) Aetas who enrolled last February, it escalated to seventy-four (74) this June. Out of this 74, majority of which is female, 65% and male, 35%. Ten of which are parents and mostly are young ones. “However, maintaining 100% attendance is the biggest problem,” the instructional managers noted. On the average, 50-60 % of the total enrolment comes to school regularly. Consequently, the food for school program requested by the ALS District Coordinator which the Local Government Unit (LGU) addressed the problem of abseeteism among the Aetas. However sustaining the program is another concern. Meetings this time are from Monday to Friday not unlike the previous one, which is only three times.
The coordinator and instructional managers would recount that the usual or typical day would go like this…
The Aeta-clienteles would come to school in the morning. Not all students would come early. Others were still be coming from Brgy. Pisipis and other neighboring barangays. Some wore uniform others in their ragged cloths. A flag ceremony used to be held at the start of the week. Then, the Aetas did housekeeping and other pre-routinary activities. Basic alphabet to word reading, writing, and arithmetic activities were provided for three hours. We would read aloud the alphabet, minimal pair words, read short passages, and ask them to read aloud and write. Most of them get bored easily for they had different types of learning. Most of them had usually short span of attention so we had quick breaks from time to time.
Preparing the meal of the day was the most important for them. Since some of them had not taken breakfast or suffer the day before. After the early morning routinary activities, we would be preparing the meal of the day where everybody will be part. Food is the best reward and encouragement we could offer them. Because of food nourishment, they come to school. There was even an incident that Aeta would come very late to school just in time for lunch. After a while or a siesta, Afternoon session would be allotted to free and varied activities. Film viewing occupied the most times, because of the Television set and educational package, we have recently received from a donation all the way from Hawaii. Televiewing became a part of the afternoon session. When the day was over, we teachers could not help but be challenged different adjustments met so as our Aeta clienteles.
We find teaching and learning with them demanding yet very stimulating because of some reasons:
· Some unsanitary practices of some of the Aeta clienteles are lessened. We introduced teaching of basic sanitary hygiene. However, for customary reason few would not heed our advice for it already became their system since they were born. Consequently, we got use to some of their unsanitary practices but we always address them as much as possible teaching the parent clienteles the right ways though most of them do not care much to their children for customary reason.
· Abseetism is also common problem since the approach is new for them at the start. Looking at them from a day-to-day perspective, most of them skip school because some work in farms by harvesting young anahaw leaves or working with their specific “Amos”, and for very apparent reason, if there are times that we don’t have food or meal of the day to offer them, we would rather have an empty room than to have clienteles with empty stomachs.
· Aetas clienteles interact with the ALS program differently. Students learning style and mental capacity vary different from one another. Some learn smoothly. Others need constant review. At the beginning level, it is common to see Aeta-clienteles to misspell their names what is even the worse is that they sometimes forget their surname or they change their names.
· Few of their practices are still prevalent but mostly are dead or forgotten. One Aeta client even shares that they could no longer remember any tribal rites taught to them by the elders. Still, some of them wander and work from the community to nearby barangays. They don’t permanently stay in one place, except of course for those who have learned to fit in to the local villagers. What is quite pressing for us in relation to their ways is that an early marriage is common thing. An Aeta could already find and live with his/her partner at the age of 12. In addition, they could easily switch or change partner as the pair pleases. Another noticeable activity they often engage with is drinking. Moreover, in certain occasion, a villager could get along with most of the Aeta over bottles of liquor or any alcoholic drink and if Aetas drink alcohol, it ends to a drinking spree. This manner somehow affects their attitude to learning. An adult Aeta clientele could compromise going to school just to a bottle of liquor.
Battling these all sort of things every day, we as their teachers or “Ate” as they call us, could freely tell that we influence their lives toward the basic literacy and even more. Most of them have already accustomed to the ways of the civilized people. Emerging clienteles whom we have been teaching hard can already read and write basic Filipino words, can calculate numbers so that they well not be cheated by their “Amos” for their fair share of farm works, can practices basic sanitary hygiene from brushing of teeth to basic housekeeping, and for some who have fitted in to the latest technology can send short messaging service (SMS) via cellphone. The Aetas in Brgy. Villa Espina are becoming like civilized people because of us, other local villager’s intervention, and the influences of the latest technology-stricken world.
With the programs being offered by the District, seeing ALS greater impact for the future of the Aeta community, has a long way to go, of which the District Coordinator and the researchers unanimously agreed upon adding that a lot of concerns or priorities still must and should be acted promptly.
Other Concerns
“Education to be meaningful must be rooted in the community life and experience of the people; because learning takes place in this context as well as in the way they understand the stages of their cycle.”
BALS framework
To ensure the expansion of access of educational opportunities and capability building, the BALS national office has been training its ALS district coordinators starting the opening year. One seminar on ALS Trends & Updates for Full Time District ALS Coordinators impacted much the approaches of Mrs. Oblina and her team of local counterparts. Myriad of realization was absorbed by contemplating and living up with the BALS framework. It does require change from their usual approaches.
Meanwhile, on a division level training, the local ALS people and some of the Aeta representatives attended just recently this month (August 2008). They were exposed to training framework for the Indigenous People (IP) and Indigenous People Core Curriculum (IPCC). With the help, expertise of local indigenous people and in coordination with the National Commission on Indigenous People (NCIP) Summer Institutes of Linguistic (SIL) and other IP concerned agencies: the Bureau was able to develop an Indigenous Peoples (IP) Core Curriculum. The competencies identified by the ALS curriculum are now realized through a modular system of education that will guide the coordinator, Instructional Managers and the Aeta clienteles to mode and education the clienteles will receive.
Citing this remarkable interventions or realization, the following concerns and points are noted by experts for the culturally sensitive and integrative delivery of instruction to the IP, specifically the Aeta clienteles:
In her talk entitled, "Culturally Appropriate Provisions for Children with Special Needs from Ethnic Minority Groups: A Story of Two Maori Initiatives," Dr. Brown mentioned that for children with special needs from ethnic minority groups, having access to special education provisions is not a problem. In fact, in various special education categories, they are over-represented. "However, receiving an education that is culturally-appropriate and effective is major issue."
"Thus, we have developed two initiatives that aim to improve this situation – the teachers conducting a cultural self-review of their early childhood center or school as part of their SpEd qualification; and the involvement of government agencies, teachers and parents of the children," Dr. Brown revealed.
Dr. Brown finally said that in gaining education, children with special needs have additional challenges compared to their non-disabled peers. "Similarly, children with special needs from ethnic minority groups face challenges their disabled peers from majority cultures do not face, these children have been dealt ‘double whammy’."
The literature clearly appeals that change or innovation must be made to fit to the educational needs of the Aeta community in Brgy. Villa Espina, Lopez, Quezon. Since the ALS in this community is newly born, greater measures adaptive to their or Aeta clienteles’ culture which is being compromised should and must be acted upon not only by the ALS people, but also by the LGU, the NCIP, and most of all by people who are in control of major local resources.
IMPLEMENTATION REQUIREMENTS
The following questions have become starting points to ponder. Is the ALS in Villa Espina “enabling” its Aeta clienteles (for recognition and empowerment)? “Ensuring” (for protection)? And “enhancing” (for development and promotion) tool for indigenous Peoples, their ancestral domains and their cultural integrity?
Mrs. Oblina is hopeful that the modules on functional literacy that they have been waiting to be delivered by the national office would be received at the soonest possible time to empower the process of instruction and therefore the Aeta clienteles. The Local Government Unit through the Municipal Mayor, Hon.Isaias Ubana, has been planning an initiative that would give the Aeta community a place of home and refuge where their inherit and latent cultural ways and norms will be restored and revived. The Municipal Mayor himself has just disclosed this local initiative to the ALS coordinator. This mode of action if achieve would ensure protection. However, issues about ancestral domain surfaces. This is not the first time, municipal heads before the incumbent mayor had been appealed by the Aeta community though their local chieftain for support of their ancestral land recovery. Unfortunately, the petition for land recovery fell to deaf ears or should the researchers say “no clear response at the moment”.
With the trainings and supports given by the national and local government units side by side with the non-governmental sectors, the ALS Lopez East District and the researchers envision that the ALS for the Aeta community in Lopez, Quezon on its long-term target goals will continue to realize and realize those following plans of:
· Offering of food for school program be sustained and as time progress be replaced by a sustainable livelihood programs which the Aeta clienteles can be trained of and apparently leading to their independence from aids to self-sufficient and working individual or group of the community;
· Liberating the members of the Aeta community from ignorance to functionally literate people. A functionally literate person is defined as one who can communicate effectively, solve problems scientifically, creatively and think critically, use resources sustainable and be productive, develop himself/herself and his/her sense of community and expand his/her world view;
· Accessing to accreditation and competency tests is given to the ALS Aeta graduates. If the clientele is successful in the competency exam, going or transferring to the higher formal education if he or she desires, will be straightforward for them;
· Having properly paid, equipped, and trained instructional managers. Nationalization of the locally compensated IMs will empower them further to work not only as a teacher but as highly committed social workers for the betterment of the clienteles; and
· Educating them not only for literacy but also for restoration of their cultural ways as Indigenous People (IP) who have their cultural integrity and ancestral domains creating their own cultural identity as part and parcel of the Lopez, Quezon community and of the Filipino people.
To achieve all of these, which some are still in plans, need hand-in-hand actions emanating both from the government and from the Aeta community. If this will be realized, equitable access to education is now at hand to those who need and aspire for it. Apparently, tt comes from alternative ways, if non-governmental sectors even take part to this movement like the ABSCBN school building project for the Aeta, and other philanthropic individual who are all genuine in their interests, the social cultural revival and education empowerment for the Aetas will surely be accomplished.
References and Further Readings:
Ina Hernando-Malipot news article available at http://www.mb.com.ph/issues/2008/08/18/YTCP20080818132815.html
Executive Order No. 358 S. 2004 available at http://www.ops.gov.ph/records/eo_no356.htm
The Indigenous Peoples Core Curriculum by Department of Education, Bureau of Alternative Learning System (BALS) Handouts 2006
Lopez East District Alternative Learning System Initial School Reports SY 2008-2009
Acknowledgements are given to the following persons for the interviews, observation and other data gathered of which the researchers are greatly indebted with.
MRS. ANGELINA J. OBLINA, Lopez East District ALS Coordinator
MRS. MARIVEL A. OBLINA, Instructional Manager
MRS. WILMA S. CAPISTRANO, Instructional Manager
This mini case study, which the researchers considered as labor of love, is implicitly dedicated to the aeta community of Brgy. Vila Espina, Lopez, Quezon. May you flourish and be nourished by the alternative learning system of Lopez East district.
(ArticlesBase SC #632955)
Liked this article? Click here to publish it on your website or blog, it's free and easy!
Article Source
Alternative Learning System for the Aeta Community: Equalizing Education to Cultural Minority Groups in Lopez, Quezon, Philippines
Author: Reynald Cacho
“ALS is expected to provide solutions in areas of conflict, critical thinking, in indigenous people communities and in areas where literacy is most wanting and where literacy is needed.”
Hon. Jesli Lapus, Secretary of Department of Education
The government’s vision for non-formal education is revitalized and epitomized through an Executive Order No. 358 S. 2004, rnaming and reinventing of the Bureau of Nonformal Education to Bureau of Alternative Learning System (BALS) whose vision is to view the Philippines as a nation where all the citizens, especially the marginalized individual or group of learners who could not equitably gain access to formal education because of unwanted conditions, be given equal access to quality education by taking an alternative learning system that will enable them to become productive workforce and members of the land. As its mandates, ALS is propelled by its functions to:
- Address the learning needs of the marginalized groups of the population including the deprived , depressed, and underserved citizens;
- Coordinate with various agencies for skills development to enhance and ensure continuing employability, efficiency, productivity, and competitiveness in the labor market;
- Ensure the expansion of access to educational opportunities for citizens of different interests, capabilities demographic characteristics and socio-economic origins and status; and
- Promote certification and accreditation of alternative learning programs both formal and informal in nature of basic education.
While some nongovernmental organizations also take part in aiding educational facilities and health and sanitation service, this mini-case study highlighted only the application of ALS in the promotion of literacy among the Aetas of Lopez, Quezon, describing the attitude or responses of the clienteles in Aeta community toward the realization of educational efforts starting February 2008 to the present.
This case study includes the initiatives and actions of the ALS coordinator and her instructional managers’ common experience with their clienteles and the attitude or behavior of the Aeta clienteles toward its programs. It also includes ethnographic account of how the usual ALS class goes on. The student-researchers were able to validate such remarks and notes in direct observations and interview they conducted at the Aeta clienteles and its immediate community.
Majority of the data used in this report were drawn from interview and observations from the school site and reports of the Lopez East District Alternative Learning System Office. On the other hand, this mini-case study had also limitations. The researchers initially recommend that another follow or related study on the subjects be conducted concerning on the cultural impact of this learning in an alternative way.
Alaternative Learning Learning System of Lopez East District and and Aeta Clienteles in Brgy. Villa Espina
The Alternative Learning System Coordinator of Lopez East District who is in-charged of delivering the programs of BALS to the Aeta community is Mrs. Angelina J. Oblina. On her team are two Instructional Managers (IM) and an Aeta coordinator. The two instructional managers are the key teachers and implementers who directly get involved and supervised and promote ALS program to the Aeta Community. Mrs. Mabel A. Oblina and Wilma Capistrano are the IMs, who are paid by the local government with a monthly honorarium of P 4, 500.00 pesos each. The Aeta coordinator is Andy Villa Franco, local villager who maintains direct contact to the Aeta community clienteles in the absence of the IMs or the ALS coordinator.
From non-formal to ALS, it formally opened last February 2008. Through local ALS Coordinator’s initiatives of hiring local funded instructional managers and her unquestionably commitment to its program implementation, ALS instruction to the Aeta community begun. Since its target clienteles are the Aeta community, encouragement and recruitment to this displaced minority was the biggest toll at the onset.
Formerly, on her report, Mrs. Oblina was able to delineate some of its beginning noting the following points.
Tribal groups, specifically Aetas are the deprived, depressed and undeserved population. Their settlement can be found in a far-flung area. Uncivilized and illiterate, only few attended formal schooling because they do not understand the benefit that education could give to a person. On September 1, 1994, Non-Formal Education (NFE) brought the school for the Aetas, through “Magbasa Kita Project” a basic literacy program of the department. I was assigned to handle the class or community of Aeta as “para-teacher” at the same time “ate” not ma’am or teacher by the Aetas. Back then, I introduced the phono-syllabic lessons. The school was made up of nipa that existed in Villa Espina. The enrollees of these classes are of no age limit.
Dealing with Aetas as one of the NFE/ALS clienteles is not an easy task for me. So, I mobilized our local system. It is indeed very challenging on our part. We had a hard time encouraging and motivating them so that they will come to school. Convincing them to come to school even included drinking liquor with them. Furthermore, we use variety of ways and approaches to be able to win their interest. The school set-up lasted for some years yet their ways of living have not changed despite all the efforts exerted by their other mentors. Some still carried the old practices and do not even own a house where they can live permanently and comfortably.
Construction of two-room building sponsored by the ABS-CBN “Tree of Hope Program” built last year (2007) became one of the motivating factors that led the Aetas to take ALS program. ALS program formally started from February to April 2008. Fortunately, out of more or less 50 households, Fifty-four Aetas were its first batch of students. The group was divided into two separate classes. The first group consisted of young Aetas for 6 to 13 years old under the tutelage of Mrs. Wilma A. Oblina. This group is at the beginning level of instructional. The other class, under Mrs. Wilma Capistrano comprised of the teenagers to adult consisting of 13 years old to as old as forty-four. This group could be considered as emergent learners progressing from the very basic level. During this grace period, meetings were done three times a week. Instruction during those times focused mainly to basic literacy focus, which is more on reading of the alphabet (phono-syllabic lessons), writing (specifically writing their names) and clienteles’ adjustment to alternative schooling.
Alternative Learning System programs continued starting this beginning school year, June 2008. There was an increased enrolment. From fifty-four (54) Aetas who enrolled last February, it escalated to seventy-four (74) this June. Out of this 74, majority of which is female, 65% and male, 35%. Ten of which are parents and mostly are young ones. “However, maintaining 100% attendance is the biggest problem,” the instructional managers noted. On the average, 50-60 % of the total enrolment comes to school regularly. Consequently, the food for school program requested by the ALS District Coordinator which the Local Government Unit (LGU) addressed the problem of abseeteism among the Aetas. However sustaining the program is another concern. Meetings this time are from Monday to Friday not unlike the previous one, which is only three times.
The coordinator and instructional managers would recount that the usual or typical day would go like this…
The Aeta-clienteles would come to school in the morning. Not all students would come early. Others were still be coming from Brgy. Pisipis and other neighboring barangays. Some wore uniform others in their ragged cloths. A flag ceremony used to be held at the start of the week. Then, the Aetas did housekeeping and other pre-routinary activities. Basic alphabet to word reading, writing, and arithmetic activities were provided for three hours. We would read aloud the alphabet, minimal pair words, read short passages, and ask them to read aloud and write. Most of them get bored easily for they had different types of learning. Most of them had usually short span of attention so we had quick breaks from time to time.
Preparing the meal of the day was the most important for them. Since some of them had not taken breakfast or suffer the day before. After the early morning routinary activities, we would be preparing the meal of the day where everybody will be part. Food is the best reward and encouragement we could offer them. Because of food nourishment, they come to school. There was even an incident that Aeta would come very late to school just in time for lunch. After a while or a siesta, Afternoon session would be allotted to free and varied activities. Film viewing occupied the most times, because of the Television set and educational package, we have recently received from a donation all the way from Hawaii. Televiewing became a part of the afternoon session. When the day was over, we teachers could not help but be challenged different adjustments met so as our Aeta clienteles.
We find teaching and learning with them demanding yet very stimulating because of some reasons:
· Some unsanitary practices of some of the Aeta clienteles are lessened. We introduced teaching of basic sanitary hygiene. However, for customary reason few would not heed our advice for it already became their system since they were born. Consequently, we got use to some of their unsanitary practices but we always address them as much as possible teaching the parent clienteles the right ways though most of them do not care much to their children for customary reason.
· Abseetism is also common problem since the approach is new for them at the start. Looking at them from a day-to-day perspective, most of them skip school because some work in farms by harvesting young anahaw leaves or working with their specific “Amos”, and for very apparent reason, if there are times that we don’t have food or meal of the day to offer them, we would rather have an empty room than to have clienteles with empty stomachs.
· Aetas clienteles interact with the ALS program differently. Students learning style and mental capacity vary different from one another. Some learn smoothly. Others need constant review. At the beginning level, it is common to see Aeta-clienteles to misspell their names what is even the worse is that they sometimes forget their surname or they change their names.
· Few of their practices are still prevalent but mostly are dead or forgotten. One Aeta client even shares that they could no longer remember any tribal rites taught to them by the elders. Still, some of them wander and work from the community to nearby barangays. They don’t permanently stay in one place, except of course for those who have learned to fit in to the local villagers. What is quite pressing for us in relation to their ways is that an early marriage is common thing. An Aeta could already find and live with his/her partner at the age of 12. In addition, they could easily switch or change partner as the pair pleases. Another noticeable activity they often engage with is drinking. Moreover, in certain occasion, a villager could get along with most of the Aeta over bottles of liquor or any alcoholic drink and if Aetas drink alcohol, it ends to a drinking spree. This manner somehow affects their attitude to learning. An adult Aeta clientele could compromise going to school just to a bottle of liquor.
Battling these all sort of things every day, we as their teachers or “Ate” as they call us, could freely tell that we influence their lives toward the basic literacy and even more. Most of them have already accustomed to the ways of the civilized people. Emerging clienteles whom we have been teaching hard can already read and write basic Filipino words, can calculate numbers so that they well not be cheated by their “Amos” for their fair share of farm works, can practices basic sanitary hygiene from brushing of teeth to basic housekeeping, and for some who have fitted in to the latest technology can send short messaging service (SMS) via cellphone. The Aetas in Brgy. Villa Espina are becoming like civilized people because of us, other local villager’s intervention, and the influences of the latest technology-stricken world.
With the programs being offered by the District, seeing ALS greater impact for the future of the Aeta community, has a long way to go, of which the District Coordinator and the researchers unanimously agreed upon adding that a lot of concerns or priorities still must and should be acted promptly.
Other Concerns
“Education to be meaningful must be rooted in the community life and experience of the people; because learning takes place in this context as well as in the way they understand the stages of their cycle.”
BALS framework
To ensure the expansion of access of educational opportunities and capability building, the BALS national office has been training its ALS district coordinators starting the opening year. One seminar on ALS Trends & Updates for Full Time District ALS Coordinators impacted much the approaches of Mrs. Oblina and her team of local counterparts. Myriad of realization was absorbed by contemplating and living up with the BALS framework. It does require change from their usual approaches.
Meanwhile, on a division level training, the local ALS people and some of the Aeta representatives attended just recently this month (August 2008). They were exposed to training framework for the Indigenous People (IP) and Indigenous People Core Curriculum (IPCC). With the help, expertise of local indigenous people and in coordination with the National Commission on Indigenous People (NCIP) Summer Institutes of Linguistic (SIL) and other IP concerned agencies: the Bureau was able to develop an Indigenous Peoples (IP) Core Curriculum. The competencies identified by the ALS curriculum are now realized through a modular system of education that will guide the coordinator, Instructional Managers and the Aeta clienteles to mode and education the clienteles will receive.
Citing this remarkable interventions or realization, the following concerns and points are noted by experts for the culturally sensitive and integrative delivery of instruction to the IP, specifically the Aeta clienteles:
- The development process not only ensured a culture-sensitive core curriculum but also maximized local participation in all aspects of decision making and actions relevant to the finalization of the IP Core Curriculum.
- Expert on IPCC remarked that without necessarily emphasizing an overkill tone, the highly western-entrenched current educational system has contributed to the further marginalization and exploitation of IPs. The said system has been producing graduates who are trained to become employees and not as entrepreneurs who can become employers.
- The Right-Based Approach (RBA) to education verbalizes these facts. Its strengths sustainable development and the exercise of self-determination in as much as education is supposed to be an “enabling” (for recognition and empowerment), an “ensuring” (for protection) and an “enhancing” (for development and promotion) tool for indigenous Peoples, their ancestral domains and their cultural integrity.
In her talk entitled, "Culturally Appropriate Provisions for Children with Special Needs from Ethnic Minority Groups: A Story of Two Maori Initiatives," Dr. Brown mentioned that for children with special needs from ethnic minority groups, having access to special education provisions is not a problem. In fact, in various special education categories, they are over-represented. "However, receiving an education that is culturally-appropriate and effective is major issue."
"Thus, we have developed two initiatives that aim to improve this situation – the teachers conducting a cultural self-review of their early childhood center or school as part of their SpEd qualification; and the involvement of government agencies, teachers and parents of the children," Dr. Brown revealed.
Dr. Brown finally said that in gaining education, children with special needs have additional challenges compared to their non-disabled peers. "Similarly, children with special needs from ethnic minority groups face challenges their disabled peers from majority cultures do not face, these children have been dealt ‘double whammy’."
The literature clearly appeals that change or innovation must be made to fit to the educational needs of the Aeta community in Brgy. Villa Espina, Lopez, Quezon. Since the ALS in this community is newly born, greater measures adaptive to their or Aeta clienteles’ culture which is being compromised should and must be acted upon not only by the ALS people, but also by the LGU, the NCIP, and most of all by people who are in control of major local resources.
IMPLEMENTATION REQUIREMENTS
The following questions have become starting points to ponder. Is the ALS in Villa Espina “enabling” its Aeta clienteles (for recognition and empowerment)? “Ensuring” (for protection)? And “enhancing” (for development and promotion) tool for indigenous Peoples, their ancestral domains and their cultural integrity?
Mrs. Oblina is hopeful that the modules on functional literacy that they have been waiting to be delivered by the national office would be received at the soonest possible time to empower the process of instruction and therefore the Aeta clienteles. The Local Government Unit through the Municipal Mayor, Hon.Isaias Ubana, has been planning an initiative that would give the Aeta community a place of home and refuge where their inherit and latent cultural ways and norms will be restored and revived. The Municipal Mayor himself has just disclosed this local initiative to the ALS coordinator. This mode of action if achieve would ensure protection. However, issues about ancestral domain surfaces. This is not the first time, municipal heads before the incumbent mayor had been appealed by the Aeta community though their local chieftain for support of their ancestral land recovery. Unfortunately, the petition for land recovery fell to deaf ears or should the researchers say “no clear response at the moment”.
With the trainings and supports given by the national and local government units side by side with the non-governmental sectors, the ALS Lopez East District and the researchers envision that the ALS for the Aeta community in Lopez, Quezon on its long-term target goals will continue to realize and realize those following plans of:
· Offering of food for school program be sustained and as time progress be replaced by a sustainable livelihood programs which the Aeta clienteles can be trained of and apparently leading to their independence from aids to self-sufficient and working individual or group of the community;
· Liberating the members of the Aeta community from ignorance to functionally literate people. A functionally literate person is defined as one who can communicate effectively, solve problems scientifically, creatively and think critically, use resources sustainable and be productive, develop himself/herself and his/her sense of community and expand his/her world view;
· Accessing to accreditation and competency tests is given to the ALS Aeta graduates. If the clientele is successful in the competency exam, going or transferring to the higher formal education if he or she desires, will be straightforward for them;
· Having properly paid, equipped, and trained instructional managers. Nationalization of the locally compensated IMs will empower them further to work not only as a teacher but as highly committed social workers for the betterment of the clienteles; and
· Educating them not only for literacy but also for restoration of their cultural ways as Indigenous People (IP) who have their cultural integrity and ancestral domains creating their own cultural identity as part and parcel of the Lopez, Quezon community and of the Filipino people.
To achieve all of these, which some are still in plans, need hand-in-hand actions emanating both from the government and from the Aeta community. If this will be realized, equitable access to education is now at hand to those who need and aspire for it. Apparently, tt comes from alternative ways, if non-governmental sectors even take part to this movement like the ABSCBN school building project for the Aeta, and other philanthropic individual who are all genuine in their interests, the social cultural revival and education empowerment for the Aetas will surely be accomplished.
References and Further Readings:
Ina Hernando-Malipot news article available at http://www.mb.com.ph/issues/2008/08/18/YTCP20080818132815.html
Executive Order No. 358 S. 2004 available at http://www.ops.gov.ph/records/eo_no356.htm
The Indigenous Peoples Core Curriculum by Department of Education, Bureau of Alternative Learning System (BALS) Handouts 2006
Lopez East District Alternative Learning System Initial School Reports SY 2008-2009
Acknowledgements are given to the following persons for the interviews, observation and other data gathered of which the researchers are greatly indebted with.
MRS. ANGELINA J. OBLINA, Lopez East District ALS Coordinator
MRS. MARIVEL A. OBLINA, Instructional Manager
MRS. WILMA S. CAPISTRANO, Instructional Manager
This mini case study, which the researchers considered as labor of love, is implicitly dedicated to the aeta community of Brgy. Vila Espina, Lopez, Quezon. May you flourish and be nourished by the alternative learning system of Lopez East district.
(ArticlesBase SC #632955)
Liked this article? Click here to publish it on your website or blog, it's free and easy!
Article Source
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
